740.00119 Potsdam/7–2545: Telegram
Secretary of State to the Secretary of State
124. Several telegrams just received reflect Soviet policy and methods in Eastern Europe with respect to elections. Lane’s 4463 from Paris1 has already been repeated to you. Others are condensed below for your and the President’s information in connection with current discussions.
British Foreign Office has received disquieting reports from its Chargé in Warsaw.2 He reports Mikolajczyk pessimistic about participation of all major parties in elections, since Christian Labor Party has been told it could not participate. Mik anticipates similar decisions with respect to other parties during coming weeks. Grabski states Polish people enjoy practically no civil liberties, that Soviet officials are behind each local Government and that secret service under Soviet direction is making many arrests. Mik also alarmed at tendency of Lublin group to make Praesidium, on which Grabski is outnumbered five to one, into real governing body of Poland.
Moscow Embassy still unsuccessful in obtaining entry for Treasury representative Patterson into Bulgaria and Rumania and pessimistic as to chances.
Our Political Officer in Bucharest3 advised by Julius Maniu he is restraining activity of his National Peasant Party pending Potsdam decisions despite “intimidating or provocative tactics by National Democratic Front and Soviet officials who sought to disrupt party meetings.” Maniu considered adequate tripartite ACC supervision of elections impossible and favored their supervision either by non-political [Page 648]or by representative coalition Government. He reiterated that his country would be foolish to oppose the Soviet Union but that his party could not permit Rumania to be governed by an incompetent Communist minority.
Soviet Foreign Office has rejected British protest at Soviet press campaign against Greek Government and British forces in Greece on grounds New Times not organ of Soviet Government. Dekanozov also called British Government’s attention to anti-Soviet speeches in Greece, which he said were increasing in frequency and vigor and were “wholly incorrect” in country where British troops were stationed.
Sofianopolous tells MacVeagh he resigned because Molotov convinced him satisfactory relations with Soviets possible only through Greek Government representative of all parties (which coincides with new line of EAM). Sof apparently wishes to head such a Government. MacVeagh considers coincidence of Potsdam discussions, Sof’s Russian-inspired resignation and threatening Yugoslav note to suggest Soviets may base refusal to join in supervising elections on alleged inability of non-representative Government to control “chaotic” situation and hold fair elections.