File No. 812.00/10637.
reply of the secretary of foreign affairs, señor gamboa, to the proposals of the american government conveyed through the honorable john lind.
Mexico, August 16, 1913.
[Laid before Congress by the President on the occasion of his address above printed.]
Sir: On the 6th instant, pursuant to telegraphic instructions from his Government, the Chargé d’Affaires ad interim of the United States of America verbally informed Mr. Manuel Garza Aldape, then in charge of the Department of Foreign Affairs, of your expected arrival in this Republic with a mission of peace. As fortunately neither then nor today has there existed a state of war between the United States of America and the United Mexican States, my Government [Page 824] was very much surprised to learn that your mission near us should be referred to as one of peace. This brought forth the essential condition which my Government ventured to demand in its unnumbered note of the 6th instant addressed to the aforesaid Chargé d’Affaires—“that if you do not see fit to properly establish your official character” your sojourn could not be pleasing to us according to the meaning which diplomatic usage gives to this word.
Fortunately, from the first interview I had the pleasure to have with you, your character as confidential agent of your Government was fully established, inasmuch as the letter you had the kindness to show me, though impersonally addressed, was signed by the President of the United States, for whom we entertain the highest respect. It is not essential at this time, Mr. Confidential Agent, that I should recall the whole of our first conversation. I will say, however, that I found you to be a well-informed man and animated by the sincerest wishes that the unfortunate tension of the present relations between your Government and mine should reach a prompt and satisfactory solution.
During our second interview, which, like the first one of the 14th instant, was held at my private [1], you saw fit, after every earnest, honest and frank exchange of opinion concerning the attitudes of our respective Governments, which did not lead us to any decision, to deliver to me the note containing the instructions, also signed by the President of the United States. Duly authorized by the President of the Republic, pursuant to the unanimous approval of the Cabinet, which was convened for the purpose, I have the honor to make a detailed reply to such instructions.
The Government of Mexico has paid due attention to the advice and considerations expressed by the Government of the United States; has done this for three principal reasons: First, because, as stated before, Mexico entertains the highest respect for the personality of His Excellency Woodrow Wilson; second, because certain European and American Governments, with which Mexico cultivates the closest relations of international amity, have in a most delicate, respectful way, highly gratifying to us, made use of their good offices to the end that Mexico should accord you a hearing, inasmuch as you were the bearer of a private mission from the President of the United States; and, third, because Mexico was anxious, not so much to justify its attitude before the inhabitants of the Republic in the present emergency, the great majority of whom in imposing and orderly manifestations have signified their adhesion and approval, as to demonstrate in every way the justice of its cause.
The imputation contained in the first paragraph of your instructions—that no progress has been made toward establishing in the capital of Mexico a government enjoying the respect and obedience of the Mexican people—is unfounded. In contradiction of that gross imputation, which is not supported by any proofs, principally because there are none, it affords me pleasure to refer, Mr. Confidential Agent, to the following facts which abound in evidence and which to a certain extent must be known to you by direct observation. The Mexican Republic, Mr. Confidential Agent, is formed of 27 States, 3 Territories, and 1 Federal District, in which the supreme power of the Republic has its seat. Of these 27–States, 15 of them, the 3 Territories and the Federal District (making a total of 22 political entities) are under the absolute control of the present Government, which, aside from the above, exercises its authority over almost every port in the Republic and consequently over the customhouses therein established. Its southern frontier is open and at peace. Moreover, my Government has an army of 80,000 men in the field with no other purpose than to insure complete peace in the Republic, the only national aspiration and solemn promise of the present Provisional President. The above is sufficient to exclude any doubt that my Government is worthy of the respect and obedience of the Mexican people, because the latter’s consideration has been gained at the cost of the greatest sacrifice and in spite of the most evil influences.
My Government fails to understand what the Government of the United States of America means by saying that it does not find itself in the same case with reference to the other nations of the earth concerning what is happening and is likely to happen in Mexico. The conditions of Mexico at the present time are unfortunately neither doubtful nor secret; it is afflicted with an internal strife which has been raging almost three years, and which I can only classify in these lines as a fundamental mistake. With reference to what might happen [Page 825] in Mexico neither you, Mr. Confidential Agent, nor I, nor anyone else can prognosticate, because no assertion is possible on incidents which have not occurred. On the other hand, my Government greatly appreciates the good offices tendered to it by the Government of the United States of America in the present circumstances; it recognizes that they are inspired by the noble desire to act as a friend as well as by the wishes of all the other Governments which expect the United States to act as Mexico’s nearest friend. But if such good offices are to be of the character of those now tendered to us we should have to decline them in the most categorical and definite manner.
Inasmuch as the Government of the United States is willing to act in the most disinterested friendship, it will be difficult for it to find a more propitious opportunity than the following: If it would only watch that no material and monetary assistance is given to rebels who find refuge, conspire, and provide themselves with arms and food on the other side of the border; if it would demand from its minor and local authorities the strictest observance of the neutrality laws, I assure you, Mr. Confidential Agent, that the complete pacification of this Republic would be accomplished within a relatively short time.
I intentionally abstain from replying to the allusion that it is the purpose of the United States of America to show the greatest respect for the sovereignty and independence of Mexico, because, Mr. Confidential Agent, there are matters which not even from the standpoint of the idea itself could be given an answer in writing.
His Excellency Mr. Wilson is laboring under a serious delusion when he declares that the present situation of Mexico is incompatible with the compliance with her international obligations, with the development of her own civilization, and with the required maintenance of certain political and economic conditions tolerable in Central America. Strongly backing that there is a mistake, because to this date no charge has been made by any foreign government accusing us of the above lack of compliance, we are punctually meeting all of our credits; we are still maintaining diplomatic missions cordially accepted in almost all the countries of the world, and we continue to be invited to all kinds of international congresses and conferences. With regard to our interior development, the following proof is sufficient, to wit, a contract has just been signed with Belgian capitalists which means to Mexico the construction of something like 5,000 kilometers of railway. In conclusion, we fail to see the evil results, which are prejudicial only to ourselves, felt in Central America by our present domestic war. In one thing I do agree with you, Mr. Confidential Agent, and it is that the whole of America is clamoring for a prompt solution of our disturbances, this being a very natural sentiment if it is borne in mind that a country which was prosperous only yesterday has been suddenly caused to suffer a great internal misfortune.
Consequently, Mexico can not for one moment take into consideration the four conditions which His Excellency Mr. Wilson has been pleased to propose through your honorable and worthy channel. I must give you the reasons for it: An immediate suspension of the struggle in Mexico, a definite armistice “solemnly entered into and scrupulously observed,” is not possible, as to do this it would be necessary that there should be some one capable of proposing it without causing a profound offense to civilization, to the many bandits who, under this or that pretext, are marauding toward the south and committing the most outrageous depredations; and I know of no country in the world, the United States included, which has ever dared to enter into agreement or to propose an armistice, to individuals who, perhaps on account of a physiological accident, can be found all over the world beyond the pale of the divine and human laws. Bandits, Mr. Confidential Agent, are not admitted to armistice; the first action against them is one of correction, and when this, unfortunately, fails, their lives must be severed for the sake of the biological and fundamental principle; then the useful sprouts should grow and fructify.
With reference to the rebels who style themselves “Constitutionalists,” one of the representatives of whom has been given an ear by members of the United States Senate, what could there be more gratifying to us than if, convinced of the precipice to which we are being dragged by the resentment of their defeat, in a moment of reaction they were to put aside their rancor and add their strength to ours, so that all together we would undertake the great and urgent task of national reconstruction? Unfortunately they do not avail themselves of the amnesty law enacted by the Provisional Government immediately after its inauguration, but, on the contrary, well-known rebels holding elective [Page 826] positions in the capital of the Republic or profitable employments left the country without molestation, notwithstanding the information which the Government had that they were going to foreign lands to work against its interests, many of whom have taken upon themselves the unfortunate task of exposing the miseries and infirmities from which we are suffering, the same as any other human aggregations.
Were we to agree with them to the armistice suggested this would, ipso facto, recognize their belligerency, and this is something which can not be done for many reasons which can not escape the perspicacity of the Government of the United States of America, which to this day, and publicly, has at least classed them as rebels just the same as we have. And it is an accepted doctrine that no armistice can be concerted with rebels.
The assurance asked of my Government that it will promptly call free elections is the most evident proof and the most unequivocal concession that the Government of the United States considers it legally and solidly constituted and that it is exercising, like all those of its class, acts of such importance as to indicate the perfect civil operation of a sovereign nation. Inasmuch as our laws already provide such assurance, there is no fear that the latter will not be observed during the coming elections; and as the present Government is of a provisional character it will cede its place to the definite Government which may be elected by the people.
The request that General Victoriano Huerta should agree not to appear as a candidate for the Presidency of the Republic in the coming elections can not be taken into consideration, because, aside from its strange and unwarranted character, there is a risk that the same might be interpreted as a matter of personal dislike. This point can be decided only by Mexican public opinion expressed at the polls.
The pledge that all parties should agree beforehand to the results of the election and to cooperate in the most loyal manner to support and organize the new administration is something to be tacitly supposed and desired; the experience of what this internal strife means to us in loss of life and the destruction of property will cause all contending political factions to abide by the results; but it would be untimely to make any assertion in this respect, even by the countries most experienced in civil matters, as no one can forecast or foresee the errors and excesses which men are likely to commit, especially under the influence of political passion.
We hasten to signify to the United States of America our appreciation of their agreement to recognize henceforth and aid the future [omission?] which we, the Mexican people, may elect to rule our destinies. On the other hand, we greatly deplore the present tension in our relations with your country, a tension which has been produced without Mexico having afforded the slightest cause therefor. The legality of the Government of General Huerta can not be disputed. Article 85 of our Political Constitution provides:
If at the beginning of a constitutional term neither the President nor the Vice President elected present themselves, or if the election had not been held and the results thereof declared by the 1st of December, nevertheless the President whose term has expired will cease in his functions, and the Secretary for Foreign Affairs shall immediately take charge of the executive power in the capacity of Provisional President; and if there should be no Secretary for Foreign Affairs, or if he should be incapacitated, the Presidency shall devolve on one of the other secretaries pursuant to the order provided by the law establishing their number. The same procedure shall be followed when, in the case of the absolute or temporary absence of the President, the Vice President fails to appear, when on leave of absence from his post if he should be discharging his duties, and when in the course of his term the absolute absence of both functionaries should occur.
Now, then, the facts which occurred are the following: The resignation of Francisco I. Madero, Constitutional President, and José Maria Pino Suárez, Constitutional Vice President of the Republic. These resignations having been accepted, Pedro Lascuraih, Minister for Foreign Affairs, took charge by operation of law of the vacant executive power, appointing, as he had the power to do, General Victoriano Huerta to the post of Minister of the Interior. As Mr. Laseurain soon afterwards resigned, and as his resignation was immediately accepted by Congress, General Victoriano Huerta took charge of the executive power, also by operation of law, with the provisional character and under the constitutional promise already complied with to issue a call for special elections. As will be seen, the point of issue is exclusively one of constitutional law in which no foreign nation, no matter how powerful and respectable it may be, should mediate in the least.
[Page 827]Moreover, my Government considers that at the present time the recognition of the Government of General Huerta by that of the United States of America is not concerned, inasmuch as facts which exist on their own account are not and can not be susceptible of recognition. The only thing which is being discussed is a suspension of relations as abnormal and without reason; abnormal, because the Ambassador of the United States of America, in his high diplomatic investiture and appearing as Dean of the Foreign Diplomatic Corps accredited to the Government of the Republic, congratulated General Huerta upon his elevation to the Presidency, continued to correspond with this Department by means of diplomatic notes, and on his departure left the First Secretary of the Embassy of the United States of America as Chargé d’Affaires ad interim, and the latter continues here in the free exercise of his functions; and without reason, because, I repeat, we have not given the slightest pretext.
The Confidential Agent may believe that solely because of the sincere esteem in which the people and the Government of the United States of America are held by the people and Government of Mexico, and because of the consideration which it has for all friendly nations (and especially in this case for those which have offered their good offices), my Government consented to take into consideration, and to answer as briefly as the matter permits, the representations of which you are the bearer. Otherwise, it would have rejected them immediately because of their humiliating and unusual character, hardly admissible even in a treaty of peace after a victory, inasmuch as in a like case any nation which in the least respects itself would do likewise. It is because my Government has confidence that when the justice of its cause is reconsidered with serenity and from a lofty point of view by the present President of the United States of America, whose sense of morality and uprightness are beyond question, he will withdraw from his attitude and will contribute to the renewal of still firmer bases for the relations of sincere friendship and good understanding forcibly imposed upon us throughout the centuries by our geographical nearness—something which neither of us can change, even though we so desired—by our mutual interests and by our share of activity in the common prosperity, welfare and culture, in regard to which we are pleased to acknowledge that you are enviably ahead of us.
With reference to the final part of the instructions of President Wilson, which I beg to include herewith and which say, “If Mexico can suggest any better way in which to show our friendship, serve the people of Mexico, and meet our international obligations, we are more than willing to consider the suggestion,” that final part causes me to propose the following equally decorous arrangement. One, that our Ambassador be received in Washington; two, that the United States of America send us a new ambassador without previous conditions.
And all this threatening and distressing situation will have reached a happy conclusion; mention will not be made of the causes which might carry us, if the tension persists, to no one knows what incalculable extremities for two peoples who have the unavoidable obligation to continue being friends, provided, of course, that this friendship is based upon mutual respect, which is indispensable between two sovereign entities wholly equal before law and justice.
In conclusion, permit me, Mr. Confidential Agent, to reiterate to you the assurances of my perfect consideration.
- Omission.↩