When attacks were made on small border towns by bands of outlaws the Washington Government has not only concentrated forces along the boundary line to prevent the fleeing marauders from seeking refuge in American territory, but has also instituted prosecutions for violation of the neutrality laws against individuals who had made plans in the United States for raids into Mexico. (For. Rel., 1908, p. 604.)

The nation can never separate the name of Señor Corral from the iniquitous Yaqui war. * * * He answers perfectly all the requirements that the President desires his successor to possess, and the nation must not hope anything from him but a prolongation of absolute power, with the fresh aggravations that he will have to employ in order to impose his authority (p. 262). The problem, therefore, is reduced to this: Which is the best for the nation, the continuation of the present absolutism or the introduction of democratic practices? (p. 292).

Madero’s Manifesto and the Plan of San Luis Potosí.

[Extracts—Translation.1]

Our beloved land has come to one of those historic moments when extreme sacrifices must be made for liberty and justice. * * * An intolerable tyranny oppresses us, with no alternative but a shameful peace based on might instead of right * * * obedient to the single will, or caprice of Gen. Porfirio Díaz, who in his long administration has shown his chief aim to be his own continuance in power at whatever cost. * * * The evil of such a government, under which organized expression of opinion is impossible, was greatly aggravated by the determination of Gen. Díaz to name his successor, and by his choice of Señor Ramón Corral as that successor the evil has now become unbearable. Accordingly many Mexicans, with no recognized political standing—for no man during these last 36 years could acquire it—have resolved to regain for the people their sovereignty.

We who have so resolved have organized, among others, the National Antireelectionist Party, whose slogan is “An honest ballot and no second term.” The two principles comprised by this slogan are the only ones whose application can save the Republic from a dangerous extension of the dictatorship which grows daily more despotic and immoral.

The Mexican people have rallied to the standard of this party, sent their delegates to the national convention, which it shares with the Nationalist Democratic Party, and nominated Dr. Francisco Vázquez Gómez and me for Vice President and President. * * * My campaign was a triumphal march, for the magic words “An honest ballot and no reelection” electrified the people throughout the country and made them resolve to put those two principles into effect. The moment, therefore, came when Gen. Díaz perceived the situation and, realizing that he could not meet me to advantage in a lawful contest, put me in prison before the election, which was fraudulently conducted, violence, even to the filling of the jails with unoffending freemen, being employed to enforce the frauds.

The Mexican people protested against the illegality of that election, and in doing so employed, each in its proper turn, every recourse offered by the law of the land, going finally before Congress, hopeless as it was to do so; for the people well know that that unlawful body obeys implicitly the will of Gen. Díaz. * * * They knew, indeed, that in following me at all outrage awaited them; but nevertheless, for liberty’s sake, they went with admirable stoicism to the polls, ready to face any affront.

It was necessary to take those fruitless steps—party organization, appearance at the polls, conduct of the election strictly within the prescribed procedure. By this orderly conduct we expected to show to the world that the Mexican people are able to use the instruments of democracy. They were, however, not allowed to use them; and they clearly show by their present attitude that they know I should have been elected if their electoral rights had been respected, and that they do not recognize the Government of Gen Díaz.

By virtue of this knowledge and attitude, by virtue of the national will, I hereby declare the recent elections illegal and the Republic, therefore, without a legitimate government. I hereby provisionally assume the Presidency of the Republic until the people shall have nominated, according to law, their governing officials. In order to do so, they will have to remove from power the audacious usurpers, and I should display a dishonorable weakness and a betrayal of them were I to fail to lead those that have trusted me and by force of arms compel Gen. Díaz to respect the will of the nation.

The present Government, although deriving from violence and fraud, will enjoy up to the 30th of November next a certain aspect of legality in the regard of foreign nations, since it has been tolerated by the Mexican people. But it is imperative that the new administration, deriving from the fraud of the old, shall be prevented from usurping and entering into power, or shall, at least, find most of the nation in arms against it.

Therefore I appoint 6 o’clock of Sunday night, the 20th of November next, as the time for an armed uprising, according to the following—

plan.

1.

The elections for President and Vice President of the Republic, Justices of the Federal Supreme Court, and Deputies and Senators, held in June and July of this year, to be declared void.

2.

The present Government of Gen. Díaz to be ignored, and likewise ignored all the authorities whose power should derive from the people.

3.

To avoid as far as possible the disorder inherent in all revolutionary movements, all laws are to be kept in force except those that manifestly would counteract the principles herein proclaimed; except also the laws and decrees that sanction the fiscal acts of the Díaz administration: Provided, That the obligations of that Government contracted with foreign Governments and companies before the 20th of next November are to be respected. * * * Proceedings whereby lands have been unlawfully seized are to be subject to review, and if found abusive of the law the lands are to be restored to the rightful owner, together with indemnities for damages suffered: Provided, That where, before the date hereof, lands thus seized have passed into the possession of a third party, the former rightful owner will receive indemnity only, to be paid by those for whose benefit the seizure was made.

4.

Besides the constitution and existing laws, it is hereby declared that the principle of no reelection of President or Vice President of the Republic, governors of States, and presidents of municipalities is a part of the supreme law pending the appropriate amendment of the constitution.

5.

I hereby assume the character of Provisional President of the United Mexican States, with the power to make war against the usurping Government of Gen. Díaz. As soon as the national capital and more than half of the States of the Federation are under the control of the people the Provisional President will call nation-wide special elections, to occur 30 days after the call, and will deliver his office to the President-elect as soon as the result of the election is known.

6.

The Provisional President before surrendering his office to his duly elected successor will report to the Congress of the Union the use he shall have made thereof.

7.

On and after November 20 next, 6 o’clock p.m., all citizens of the Republic will take up arms to oust from power the present authorities. * * *

8.

When the authorities make resistance, they are to be compelled by force of arms to respect the popular will, but in such cases the laws of war are to be rigorously observed. Especial attention is directed to the prohibition of the use of expansive bullets and the execution of prisoners. Attention is also called to the duty of every Mexican to respect the persons and property of foreigners.

9.

Such authorities as resist the materialization of this Plan will be imprisoned and held for trial before the courts upon the termination of the revolution. * * *

An honest ballot. No second term.

Francisco I. Madero.

San Luis Potosí, October 5, 1910.

By far the greatest evil, and the greatest cause of complaint in the Republic, is the lame, incompetent, and corrupt judiciary. Naturally, a weak and de-baunched judiciary falls as an especial burden upon the people of the country in which it exists; but, having in mind our vast investments in this country, the constant inflow of American capital, and the steady increase of American immigration, it is of prime importance for us to know in just what manner the courts are constituted, the influences that surround them, their methods of procedure, and the character of their personnel. Since I have taken charge of this post I have been obliged, in the protection of American interests, to come constantly in contact not only with the judiciary of the Federal district and the supreme court but with that of the States of the Republic, and I am bound to say that it has only been by the exercise of the utmost vigilance and by pressure upon the President, upon the foreign office, by unofficial communications to governors, and by almost daily visits by a representative to the judges here in Mexico, that I have been able to prevent the grossest injustice and the rankest outrages to persons and property of American citizens, I have thought, and continue to think, that in a country where such peculiar conditions exist there is no refuge for an American citizen, whose clear and just rights are being taken away from him, except recourse to the power and influence of his Government through its diplomatic representative. I am especially anxious that you shall understand this part of the work which I have to do here, because I regard it as the greatest source of danger in the relation of the two countries. * * * It is a common form of thought in the Mexican mind that the Americans are getting the best of everything in the country, and that they should be mulcted whenever possible, through the forms of law or otherwise.

Another serious and dangerous phase of the situation here is the pronounced anti-American feeling which exists throughout the Republic and is not confined to any class, though naturally finding its most violent expression where the restraints of custom, courtesy, and education are weakest. This sentiment of hostility is partially due to the memories of the war of 1846, partially to race antipathy, but in a larger measure to resentment of American commercial aggression and envy of American property and thrift. It finds its expression in two ways: First, in attacks upon American property interests by either fictitious legal proceedings or direct confiscation, through the collusion of corrupt officials, and sometimes not even cloaked under forms of law [cases, cited]; second, in attacks on personal rights, frequently without process of law. Cases of this kind are so frequent as to be almost of daily occurrence. * * * Usually the action of the embassy brings some results, but the constant recurrence of the grossest outrages is arousing in the minds of American colonists in Mexico a feeling of deep resentment, which may eventually bring unhappy results.