Finally, he calls the King’s attention to the necessity of treating with
courtesy and good faith the treaty powers, and to the advantage of having
all questions of state controlled by the ministers in council.
Since presenting the above memorial Yuan Shih-Kai has made several other
suggestions to the Corean Government on measures of reform, the most
important of which is, I have been told, the suppression of three of the six
battalions of troops stationed in Seoul. * * *
[Inclosure in No.
54.—Translation.]
Memorial of Yuan
Shih-Kai, Chinese minister in Corea, to His Majesty the King.
I, Yuan Shih-Kai, with much respect, beg leave to present a memorial to
your royal Majesty.
My official stay in this country has already extended over a period of
five years. As early as the autumn or winter of the year 1881. I fully
perceived that your Majesty was industrious in the work of ruling your
country, sparing no pains to promote the wealth and increase the
strength of the people. But I now observe that the country is on the
point of disorganization, the people weak and poor, and the whole
situation as insecure as that of eggs piled up on each other, Is not the
actual condition of the country very far from realizing your Majesty’s
wishes! If your Majesty lay the blame on yourself, the nation will feel
uneasy; and yet it is not allowable to hold the ministers responsible
for it, as any such course would have the effect of punishing the
innocent. The true cause lies in this circumstance, that, while the
Government is really desirous of promoting the welfare of the nation, a
certain class of narrow-minded people (literally little men) prevent the
wishes of the Government from being carried out. If it is desired to
rule the country properly, then the aimless policy of the past few years
must be wiped out. It is unquestionably impossible to establish a system
of government if the policy of the past is adhered to, and, moreover,
troubles will arise. Look at 1884. Kim Ok-Kiun and others misled your
Majesty by submitting to your Majesty various selfish plans and schemes,
and when at length they proceeded to slaughter with their own hands the
ministers of state, things had gone too far to be stopped before leading
to serious consequences.
Consider their words and acts; there is a wide difference between the
two. Your Majesty will see that these narrow-minded persons poisoned the
mind of their royal master by their pernicious eloquence. In their
endeavors to obtain power they professed to strengthen the country by
inviting foreign help, while really plotting to plunge Corea into
disorder. The baneful influence of such people does not pass away
quickly. Had your Majesty looked into the intentions and scrutinized the
actions of
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Kim Ok-Kiun and
others before the 17th October, and, suspecting them, taken steps to
prevent their plot from being carried out, the affair would not have
reached the dimensions it actually did assume. Had their long-meditated
scheme of wickedness been successfully carried out, and had the
disastrous course of events reached its fatal consummation, your
Majesty’s innocence would have remained obscured for hundreds and
thousands of years, without hope of being ever cleared. It was extremely
fortunate that the traitors were speedily defeated and tranquillity
restored. I then thought that the plottings of narrow-minded persons
would not break out again, an example having been set for future
warning, and that Corea had passed an important turning-point in its
organization.
Subsequently I went home on leave, and after spending there a few months
I again came here last winter to resume my official duties, when, to my
extreme surprise, I discovered disquieting signs in the tendency of
affairs. Accordingly I cried to your Majesty’s ministers day and night
until my lips were parched and my tongue worn out, hoping that your
Majesty would be pleased to maintain forever the safety of the country
and the welfare of the nation, but my influence was weak and my natural
parts insignificant, so my empty words were of no avail. Then the affair
of the seventh month (July, 1886) came on.
Now, narrow-minded persons of low aspirations and worthless counsel,
judging with their low and worthless minds, generally seek to possess
wealth and are envious of power. Of worthless counsel, they arrest your
Majesty’s attention with their eloquent words; with low and depraved
minds they do not shame to win your Majesty with flattery and adulation.
Then, having enjoyed your Majesty’s intimacy and confidence for some
time, they begin to present various plans for making the country rich
and strong, and thus seek to delude your Majesty with wild projects.
Your Majesty ought of course to introduce reforms, so as to strengthen
the position of the Government, but it must be remembered that the
attempts of these narrow minded men are intended to revolutionize the
state and put to death the ministers in order to make themselves opulent
and influential, and with no care for the Kingdom’s ruin and the
happiness of the people. Kim Ok-Kiun’s attempt is a case in point. But
the delusive advice and the artful projects of the narrow-minded man can
be easily detected. Your Majesty would do well to cause the preservation
of the advice and counsels presented, to your Majesty by Kirn Ok-Kiun
and others, and, keeping the documents by you, to read and reflect upon
them at leisure. If any narrow-minded person offers to your Majesty
counsels coinciding with those contained in those documents, your
Majesty Should regard them as Kim Ok-Kiuns. Compare their avowed
intentions with their deeds and they will be found at variance. This is
a method of demonstration than which your Majesty could have none
better. If narrow-minded persons recommend themselves for service, they
unquestionably have plans for enriching the country and making it
strong. Give them leave to manage affairs, if they do not throw Corea
into a turmoil, and the people into confusion, I will ask their
forgiveness, and forfeit my eyes and cut out my tongue to help me obtain
it. During my five years’ residence here, I have a number of times
presented my views, so I can not at the present critical moment remain
indifferent to the danger of the situation, and neglect to devise some
means of remedy. I sincerely hope that your Majesty will bear in mind
that efficacious medicine is bitter to the taste and that I may have the
good fortune to be spared tears of regret (for having offered this
advice).
I respectfully submit the four following propositions and suggestions on
ten reasonable measures of state for your Majesty’s selection.
(The four propositions are of no special interest. Corea is compared to a
disabled vessel, and Yuan-Shih-Kai, the carpenter, to a sick man,
etc.)
(1) The first measure of reform is the appointment of ministers from
hereditary houses. Members of hereditary families are aware that their
interests are indissolubly bound up with those of the country at large.
Their rank being already distinguished, and their pensions honorable,
their thoughts are turned to the promotion and perpetuation of the
safety of the country and the dynasty. By promoting the welfare of the
country they secure that their rank and pensions will last for ages; and
if the dynasty is maintained forever, they know that their fame will be
handed down to unknown generations. Moreover, among the members of
hereditary families there are not wanting men of experience and
righteousness, who, if incapable of striking achievements, will at least
keep the Government from corruption. If your Majesty should decide to
put confidence in such men, the people will be contented and the country
safe, and, once appointed, your Majesty ought not to doubt them. If
there is anything doubtful about them, your Majesty had better not
appoint them. Proceeding in this way, good administration will be
secured.
(2) Treatment of minor officials. Minor officials are intent only on
promoting their own self-interest, and do not care about the peace or
welfare of the country. * * * They are not fit to be admitted into the
Royal presence, or to have a share in determining the national politics.
Had (Kim) Ok-Kiun, (Pak) Yiun-hic, (Hong) Yang-sik, and others been
excluded from your Majesty’s confidence, and employed simply in the
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management of the business of
departmental offices, the country would have been spared the attempt of
1884.
(3) The winning of the hearts of the people.
(4) The distribution of power.
(5) The removal of suspicion.
(6) Economy. The received rule of economy, in ancient as well as in
modern times, has been to expend according to the amount of revenue.
* * * Money has been spent upon works which might as well have been
deferred, but which have been undertaken by the small-minded of your
Majesty’s servants, whose sole object is to promote their own private
interest. Such works, for instance, as the erection of a mint, a
hospital, the establishment of a model farm, the purchase of a
steamship, etc., are no doubt good in themselves, but in the present
state of affairs of this country they are not of any urgent importance.
What is now most pressingly needed is to bring the administration of
home affairs into order to develop the resources of the country, and to
encourage habits of industry and economy. * * *
(7) The selection of advisers.
(8) Rewards and punishments.
(9) Friendship of a friendly country.
The Middle Kingdom and your Majesty’s country have been mutual friends
for several centuries, and the people of the two countries have been
intimate from remote ages. The two nations are therefore eminently
fitted to help each other. If they keep on intimate terms no foreign
nations will be able to interfere between them, groundless rumors will
cease to be circulated, people will feel secure, and the country will be
safe forever. * * * If your Majesty’s people decide not to reject the
help of China, no foreign country can subject Corea to insulting
treatment. * * *
(10) The foreign relations Of a country are watched by a whole world, and
constitute one of the most important branches of its national affairs.
When the management of foreign affairs is entrusted to a proper person,
and when treaty powers are treated with courtesy and faith, a country
will be sure to enjoy forever the friendship of foreign states. * * * If
every affair of state, whether small or great, is controlled by the
ministers of state in council, no secret plot will be possible. * * * My
nature is artless, and I am used to speak frankly and in a
straightforward manner; I therefore implore your Majesty’s benevolent
indulgence.
