740.5/9–550

The British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Bevin) to the Secretary of State

top secret

Personal Message From Mr. Bevin to Mr. Acheson

I am convinced that a real danger exists that we shall be faced, possibly in a few months’ time, with a crisis in Germany similar to but more dangerous than that in Korea, arising from an attempt by the Russians, acting through the East Zone police, to drive us out of Berlin or to secure the unity of Germany within the Communist orbit.

I feel it is essential that we should examine this question at our meeting and I therefore ask you to consider the attached paper, the substance of which I am also communicating to M. Pleven. Our Chiefs of Staff point out that there is no visible way of providing the forces needed to defend the territories of the North Atlantic Treaty Powers without German assistance. His Majesty’s Government are not however prepared at present to agree to the re-creation of a German Army. We do not wish to exclude eventual discussion of the incorporation of a German contingent in the Western defence forces if the United States or French Governments should wish to discuss it but in our view there are certain minimum measures which should be taken without delay. These are summarised in paragraph 3 of the paper. The most important is the creation of a Federal Police Force for which Adenauer asked on 17th August.2 The size and armaments of such a Force are for discussion but it is important that it should be organised on a sufficiently centralised basis to enable swift and effective action to be taken in an emergency.

I have given much thought to the question whether the establishment of such a Force would provoke the very action we want to prevent. Unless we are prepared to ignore military opinion and to risk Berlin and even Western Germany being overrun, this danger must be faced some time. It is better to face it now when the Bereitschaften are less ready for action than they will be next year and in such a form as is least likely to provoke Soviet reaction. Moreover, the creation of a gendarmerie will take time. Until it exists and until we have reorganised the German auxiliary services, our forces would find themselves liable to be hamstrung in an emergency by loss of their essential services, and by having to devote themselves to suppression [Page 265] of Communist-inspired disturbances or cope with mass movements of refugees. Furthermore, unless we show now that we are prepared to face up to danger that stares West Germans in the face, we shall lose the confidence of the Germans and their morale may crack in an emergency.

The problem of the defence of Berlin may prove to be more urgent and to need separate action in advance of the other measures I propose.

[Enclosure]

German Association With the Defence of the West

the problem

In Europe the declared policy of the Western Powers has been

(1)
to build up a position of strength in the West;
(2)
to incorporate Germany into the Western system, eventually as an equal partner.

It was recognised that this policy could only be executed in the teeth of Russian opposition, but the risk was taken in the expectation that it would be possible in time to build up the necessary position of strength in the West. It was hoped to achieve this by the Brussels Treaty and subsequently by the North Atlantic Treaty. Had this hope been realised, Western policy would be coherent and the prospects fair. But in the light of recent events the Chiefs of Staff have come to the firm conclusion (C.O.S. (50)305 of August 18th) that in fact we cannot build up the necessary strength to assure the defence of the territories of the N.A.T. Powers without the participation of Germany. The need to provide for adequate defence has been rendered more urgent by the circumstance that the rearmament of Germany has already begun in the Eastern Zone. There is evidence that the Russians are in process of converting the People’s Police, the Bereitschaften (Alert Units), into a highly-trained regular German Army of 150,000 men which is to include a number of armoured divisions It is accordingly clear that provision will soon have to be made against an attack on Berlin or on the Western Zone by this new German Army. To meet the threat the Federal Chancellor in a conversation, on August 17th, 1950, asked the High Commissioners for authority to raise a special Federal force of 150,000 volunteers trained and equipped on the model of the Bereitschaften. In the paper of 18th August the Chiefs of Staff went further and recommended that the German contribution to Western defence should consist of local naval forces, a balanced Army of 20 divisions with a reserve of 10 divisions, a tactical air component of 1,100 aircraft, an air defence force of 1,000 [Page 266] fighters and a substantial anti-aircraft force equipped with guided weapons.

2. If the premise is accepted that the threat from the East is real and urgent and without Germany it cannot be met, the problem is to find the best method of associating Germany so far as this is politically and economically practicable with the defence of the West.

recommendations

1.
It should be recognized that it is not practicable at the moment to rearm Germany on the scale recommended by the Chiefs of Staff.
2.
Nevertheless, the United States and French Government should be urged to agree that the Federal Chancellor should be told in reply to his request that in view of the threat of an invasion by the Eastern German Army he may as a first step raise a federal force of 100,000 volunteers trained and equipped on the model of the Bereitschaften, the arms to be supplied by the Western Allies.
3.
A similar force of 3,000 men should be raised in Berlin.
4.
The proposal to create a gendarmerie on a Land Basis should be abandoned.
5.
The auxiliary forces serving with the British and United States armies should be improved and reorganised in Units.
6.
The German Frontier Customs Police Force should be improved and slightly expanded.
7.
Germany should make an industrial contribution to Western strength.
8.
The High Commissioners should be empowered to discuss the implementation of these steps with the Chancellor and with German representatives nominated by him.

[Here follows, in the final two-thirds of this enclosure, an argument in support of the recommendations listed above.]

August 1950.

  1. Transmitted to Acheson by Hoyer Millar in his letter dated September 5, not printed; 740.5/9–550.
  2. Documentation on this subject is scheduled for publication in volume iv.