835.00/9–2745: Telegram
The Chargé in Argentina (Cabot)26 to the Secretary of State
[Received 12:44 p.m.]
2306. It is of course too early fully to assess the significance of developments in last 48 hours.27 Nevertheless, these preliminary considerations may aid Department in determining policy.
It appears that Perón and his clique have determined to return to policy of pitiless repression. Unless the Argentine people are able themselves to act, which seems improbable under present circumstances, danger foreseen in Ambassador Braden’s telegram 2066, of September 4, 10 p.m. that Perón will be able to impose Fascist government fundamentally and immutably hostile to United States seems enhanced by these events. We must determine whether we can afford to tolerate such a government in this hemisphere and if not what steps we must take against it. It must be remembered that strong measures may well be required and that we cannot afford again to change our policy.
Embassy’s telegram 2066, September 4, 10 p.m. I feel necessity of drastic action as proposed by Ambassador Braden is more evident than [Page 413] ever. In this connection delay would be highly disadvantageous. I believe best alternative to Ambassador’s recommendation would be strong Inter-American action at or before Rio Conference as mentioned in Department’s 1256, September 13, 2 p.m.28 Other possibilities which occur to me are a statement by Foreign Ministers in London that suspension of Argentina from United Nations will immediately be sought for violation of international commitments and sheltering of Fascist remnants; possible paralyzation of communications services; and the extreme step of warning American families to leave Argentina. Please note that economic sanctions would probably be contrary to article IV of Commercial Treaty of 185329 which we may already have violated by our special export control measures.
Of only less importance is question of what can be done to make sure that public opinion in Argentina and other American Republics fully understands apparent significance of these measures and is prepared for whatever measures we may decide to take. Recognizing that any statement issued by me will necessarily have a far more limited effect than one issued by Ambassador Braden, I nevertheless suggest that the Department might authorize me to be quoted somewhat along the following lines:
“Public opinion in United States regrets that a civic movement to restore constitutional government in Argentina is alleged by Argentine Government as the excuse to destroy the constitutional guarantees so recently rewon by Argentine people. People are asking whether it was for this that we fought and won the war for freedom and whether this is the way the Argentine Government honors the obligations it undertook in signing the Declaration of Mexico.”
While local papers will probably not be permitted to publish such a statement it will undoubtedly become known through radio broadcasts from Montevideo, etc., and it might serve as a useful warning to Argentine Government that we do not intend to take latest developments lying down. In making its decision Department should consider possibility Government will tell me to leave Argentina and whether this would be beneficial or not. Also request authorization in event authorities prevent local publication of statement and any effort is made to reprimand me as was Chilean Ambassador,30 to present formal protest at this violation of Mexico City Resolution XXVII.31
[Page 414]Department may also wish to issue a press statement expressing its surprise that these measures have been undertaken in light of principles enunciated in Declaration of Mexico and assurances given Ambassador Braden pursuant thereto.
In conclusion I must emphasize that any such statements are mere palliatives and that fundamental question posed in beginning of this message must be decided at earliest possible date.
- Ambassador Braden had left Buenos Aires for Washington on September 23 to assume his new duties as Assistant Secretary of State.↩
- Reference is to civic demonstrations, an abortive military revolt in Córdoba, the invoking of a state of siege, and the arrest of many individuals of prominence who participated in the mass protests.↩
- Not printed.↩
- Signed July 27, 1853; see William M. Malloy (ed.), Treaties, Conventions, etc., Between the United States of America and Other Powers 1776–1909 (Washington, Government Printing Office, 1910), vol. i, p. 20. Article IV deals with most-favored-nation treatment on the part of both countries.↩
- Alfonso Quintana Burgos.↩
- This Resolution dealt with the matter of free access to information; for text, see Final Act of the Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace, Mexico City, February–March, 1945, p. 69.↩