763.72119/9608
The Secretary of State to the French Ambassador (Jusserand)
Excellency: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency’s note of March twelfth, relative to the conferences regarding the Peace Treaty with Turkey and the present status of the negotiations between the principal Allied Powers, and in reply to inform you that the President does not deem it advisable in the present circumstances that the United States be represented by a Plenipotentiary at the conference. The President feels, however, that as this Government is vitally interested in the future peace of the world, it should frankly express its views on the proposed solutions of the difficult questions connected with the Turkish Treaty. While it is true that the United States of America was not at war with Turkey, yet it was at war with the principal allies of that country and contributed to the defeat of those allies and, therefore, to the defeat of the Turkish Government. For that reason, too, it is believed that it is the duty of this Government to make known its views and urge a solution which will be both just and lasting.
The Government of the United States understands the strength of the arguments for the retention of the Turks at Constantinople, but believes that the arguments against it are far stronger and contain certain imperative elements which it would not seem possible to ignore. It was the often expressed intention of the Allies that the anomaly of the Turks in Europe should cease, and it cannot be believed that the feelings of the Mohammedan people, who not only witnessed the defeat of the Turkish power without protest, but even materially assisted in the defeat, will now so resent the expulsion [Page 751] of the Turkish Government as to make a complete reversal of policy on the part of the great Powers desirable or necessary.
As to the line given as the southern frontier of Turkey, it is assumed that this boundary is meant to be the ethnological frontier of the Arab people, in which case, it is suggested, certain rectifications would seem necessary. If, however, other considerations entered into the choice of this line, this Government, without any intention to criticize, would appreciate being furnished with the arguments dictating such a choice.
The Government of the United States notes with pleasure that provision is made for Russian representation on the International Council, which it is proposed shall be established for the Government of Constantinople and the Straits. This Government is convinced that no arrangement that is now made concerning the government and control of Constantinople and the Straits can have any elements of permanency unless the vital interests of Russia in those problems are carefully provided for and protected, and unless it is understood that Russia, when it has a Government recognized by the civilized world, may assert its right to be heard in regard to the decisions now made.
It is noted with pleasure that the questions of passage of war ships and the regime of the Straits in war time are still under advisement as this Government is convinced that no final decision should or can be made without the consent of Russia.
As for Thrace, it would seem right that that part of East Thrace which is outside of the zone reserved for Constantinople should become part of the Kingdom of Greece with the exception of the northern part of that province. As this, the northern part, is clearly. Bulgarian in population, justice and fair dealing demand that the cities of Adrianople and Kirk Kilisseh and the surrounding territory should become part of Bulgaria. Not only is the claim of Bulgaria worthy of most serious consideration on ethnic and historical grounds, but it would also seem that Bulgaria is entitled to have its claim to this territory favorably considered in view of its having been compelled to surrender purely Bulgarian territory and many thousands of Bulgars on its western boundary on no other grounds than the rather doubtful grounds of securing a strategic frontier for Serbia.
In connection with the proposed preferential right of the three great Mediterranean Powers to furnish advisers and instructors in certain zones, this Government feels that it is necessary for it to have more information as to the reason and purpose of such a plan before it can express an intelligent opinion.
There can be no question as to the genuine interest of this Government in the plans for Armenia, and the Government of the United [Page 752] States is convinced that the civilized world demands and expects the most liberal treatment for that unfortunate country. Its boundaries should be drawn in such a way as to recognize all the legitimate claims of the Armenian people and particularly to give them easy and unencumbered access to the sea. While unaware of the considerations governing the decision reached by the Supreme Council, it is felt that special rights over Lazistan would hardly assure to Armenia that access to the sea indispensable to its existence. It is hoped that, taking into consideration the fact that Trebizond has always been the terminus of the trade route across Armenia and that Mr. Venizelos, on behalf of the Greeks of that region, has expressed their preference for connection with Armenia rather than Turkey, the Powers will be willing to grant Trebizond to Armenia.
In regard to the relinquishment by Turkey of her rights to Mesopotamia, Arabia, Palestine, Syria, and the Islands, this Government suggests that the method resorted to in the case of Austria be adopted, namely, that Turkey should place these provinces in the hands of the great Powers, to be disposed of as those Powers determine.
In regard to the arrangements for Smyrna, this Government is not in a position to express an opinion as the question is too important to be passed on with the limited information this Government has as to the exact arrangement that is contemplated and the reasons for the same.
The Government of the United States can quite understand the difficulties that have confronted the Supreme Council in dealing with the economic questions that present themselves for settlement in connection with this Treaty. It is easy to see that the problems are complex and fruitful of misunderstanding because of the conflicting interests involved, but this Government has every confidence that the problems will be dealt with in a spirit of fairness and with scrupulous regard for the commercial interests of victor, vanquished and neutral.
It is evident that there is yet much to be done before a comprehensive plan can be worked out and this Government will welcome further information on the subject of the economic clauses of this Treaty. Incidentally, the plan that has apparently been worked out by the Supreme Council in connection with continuation of concessions granted to aliens and giving the right to revise or cancel concessions on payment of indemnity, referred to in the eighth paragraph of Your Excellency’s note, has grave possibilities and would seem to require careful elucidation.
Let me say in conclusion that it is the understanding of the Government of the United States that whatever territorial changes or [Page 753] arrangements may be made in the former Ottoman Empire, such changes or arrangements will in no way place American citizens or corporations, or the citizens or corporations of any other country in a less favorable situation than the citizens or corporations of any Power party to this Treaty.
Accept [etc.]