File No. 763.72/12055
In the light of recent events, all of the Doctor’s observations as to
the rebellion among the Yugo-Slavs against Austria, and their [Page 865] willingness to fight with
the Allied armies, would seem to be fully confirmed.
References to the hostile feeling exercised by the Italian Government
toward his people reflect the feelings which the Yugo-Slavs—and, for
that matter, the Serbians also—have toward Italy. It is one of
distrust and dislike. The Albanians have much the same prejudice,
and it might be said that all the peoples living on the eastern
coast of the Adriatic look with jealous eye toward any encroachment
of Italian authority on that soil.
In a subsequent despatch I will forward a very instructive and
interesting map1
which Doctor Trumbich left with me, and which shows the section of
that coast which, by the London agreement in 1915, Great Britain,
Russia and France stipulated should be given to Italy as the price
of her entrance into the war.
[Enclosure—Extract]
Memorandum of the President of the Jugo-Slav
Committee in London (
Trumbić
)
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Italo-Yugoslav Conflict
Italy would not enter the war on the side of the Allies until
Russia, England and France refused [agreed?] to sign the memorandum guaranteeing Italy
that she was to get the shores of the Adriatic Sea; with all the
islands—(just as it is pointed out with red pencil on the added
geographical card.2) That memorandum was signed by
those great powers and by Italy, in London, on April 25 [26], 1915.3
The Italian Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Sonnino, is still adhering to
the clauses of that convention. It was given out in Austria at
the time the Bolsheviki published it in Petrograd. That
convention caused the greatest dissatisfaction and profoundest
apprehension among the Yugoslavs who desire their freedom and do
not want to come from under the Austrian yoke into the Italian
one. That is one of the main causes of the distrust of the
Yugoslavs in their dealings with Italy.
France and England are bound by their signature to please Italy,
and the Yugoslavs are to-day looking toward America, who stands
for the self-determination of nationalities, that she will
liberate them and enable them to choose a government of their
own.
[Page 866]
If Italy will get those Yugoslav territories there will never be
peace between Italy and the Yugoslavs. And sooner or later that
would be one of the causes of a new war.
The whole territory north and east of that part of the Adriatic
Sea that belongs to Austria is inhabited by the Slavonic people
and only in a few small town centers, for instance Trieste, and
some towns on the western shores of Istria, are there
inhabitants of Italian extraction. Those town centers depend for
everything they need upon the surrounding countries that are
thoroughly Slavonic. Here there are no Italian villages. The
fight of the Yugoslavs against the Italian pretensions is a
fight of the Slavonian democracy against small numbers of
Italian bourgeoisie and against the
imperialistic aspirations of Italy.
It is a very threatening struggle because the Yugoslav democracy
is self conscious and civilized and wants to achieve in this war
its main aim. …1 their liberation from Austro-Hungary
and the union of the whole race of Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes—including the Serbians of Serbia proper and Montenegro
proper—into one democratic state of their own. That state with
their 12,000,000 population and with the territory of 260,000
square kilometres stretching between the Danube and the Adriatic
Sea will be the natural barrier and bulwark against German
expansion into the Balkans, Constantinople and Asia Minor.
The Austro-Hungarian and the Balkan problem cannot be solved
successfully if in the first place the Yugoslav problem (which
represents the bridge between Central Europe and Asia Minor)
fails to receive most serious attention from the Allies’
diplomats.
As a seafaring nation the Yugoslavs are known to the whole world.
The majority of the sailors of the Austrian commercial fleet,
officers as well as men, are Yugoslavs from the Adriatic. Five
hundred thousand tons of that commercial fleet belong to the
Yugoslavs.
The Yugoslav Nation wants to maintain its independent position on
the sea and will fight with all its powers against Italy and
anyone who would try to dispossess them.
The Rôle America is to Play between
Italians and Yugoslavs
America must offer her protection to the Yugoslavs in accordance
to the principles laid down by President Wilson, in accordance to its
traditions and against the imperialistic pretensions of Italy.
If the Allies want the Yugoslavs of Austria-Hungary to give
their [Page 867] support an
attempt must be made to convince Italy that her claims are
unjust.
In France and England there exists at the moment a disposition to
accede to these just demands. But the convention of London still
binds them. America has free hands and possesses the power to
influence Italy by her support in money, food stuffs and war
materials.
Italy is asking America for military assistance. Contrary to this
demand America asks nothing from Italy. If America makes her
opinion clear to Italy [on] the problem of the Yugoslavs, the
success is assured.
The foremost Italian newspapers have already published the I
facts that America does not entertain great sympathies for Italy
and does not want to send troops to Italy on account of the
Yugo-slav question. So the Italian public opinion is ready and
prepared to accept the American decision in the Italy-Yugoslav
conflict. We need to-day a strong official policy and influence
brought upon the Foreign Minister, Sonnino, who is one of the conservative
politicians of the old school, and who has made manifest his
Germanophilism.
Sonnino kept away from
the Congress of Oppressed Nationalities of Austro-Hungary which
took place in Rome in April, 1918. And the press, inspired by
him, is still showing an indisposition toward the new political
constellation. Sonnino
opposes the fighting of the Yugoslav war prisoners in the
Serbian Army. It has also been proven that he was against the
enrolling of the Czecho-Slovak war prisoners with whom he has no
territorial disagreements. The pact between the Czecho-Slovak
National Alliance for the formation of a Czecho-Slovak Legion
was made and signed by Minister President Orlando, without the
cooperation of Mr. Sonnino.
What Should Be Done
Italy should be willing to reconsider the policy of the
resolutions, adopted at the convention at London, April 25 [April 26, 1915?].
The Means Possessed by America
Italy, mobilized, has, as authentic figures show, about 5,200,000
men. In spite of this Italy will not undertake an offensive
against the Austria-Hungary Army—but asks America for 200,000
men.
America’s answer to Italy should be that Italy will get all the
help whenever she renounces her imperialistic pretensions. If
Italy [Page 868] renounces the
London convention, influenced to do so by America. America will
have done much for the oppressed Yugoslavs.
How to Hasten the End of the War
A well prepared and well conducted naval and military campaign
against Sebenico will facilitate and hasten the destruction of
the Austrian Army and Navy. That would mean the inner political
collapse of Austria. After that is done the surrendering of
Germany will be the matter of short delay,
What Do the Jugoslavs Expect of
America?
The Yugoslav question is a part of the Austro-Hungarian
problem.
The Czecho-Slovaks and the Poles succeeded in getting their
recognition and the promise for their independent future.
America, France and England see in the Czecho-Slovak National
Alliance and the Polish National Council the representatives and
chief organs of the respective nationalities.
The Yugoslavs of Austria-Hungary deserve and should receive the
same recognition.
England and France, though favourably inclined, failed to do so
on account of the Italian activities.
It is necessary that America, bound by no convention to Italy,
come forward with an independent recognition of the Yugoslavs of
Austria Hungary and their representative the Yugoslav Committee
in London.
