No. 35.
Mr. Kasson to Mr. Evarts.

No. 90.]

Sir: I have heretofore had occasion to speak of the cloudy definition given to the public of the views and purposes of this government in respect to the Oriental question. The more satisfactory condition of Austro-Hungarian internal affairs, and the necessity of greater precision in the presence of the Berlin congress, have naturally led to a clearer understanding of the views and claims of the cabinet at Vienna. Owing to the secrecy imposed on the members of the congress, which has been in the main well observed until results were attained, the fourscore of journalistic correspondents at Berlin have been able to do little else than confuse the public judgment by their unauthorized reports. What I have now to communicate is founded, therefore, upon actual events here, [Page 45] and a careful comparison of the announcements and arguments presented by the journals of this empire.

It appears, then, that there are two controlling considerations which shape Austro-Hungarian policy:

I. Hostility to Sclavic influence.

There exists a very strong hostility to any new concentration of the power and influence of the Sclavic race outside of and near to her own frontiers. She fears that any new centers of such influence would become the seat of agitation for new combinations and further unity of the people of that race, which would in turn increase the existing dissatisfaction of that large portion of the race already embraced within this empire. The ruling Magyars of Hungary are especially sensitive on this point. Hence one fixed object of Austro-Hungarian policy at the congress is the restriction as far as possible of this generic element in the new semi-independent principality of Bulgaria. This naturally led to her alliance with England in all points which would strengthen the power of Turkey on the line of the Balkans, between Bulgaria and the new Roumelia, and for the maintenance of Turkish dominion over the latter province.

The same sentiment has fixed her in a position of hostility to the northward extension of Montenegro and the southward extension of Servia. She will insist on securing as wide a space as possible between the boundaries of those two Sclavic principalities. Whether in this she will have the assistance of England remains to be seen.

There exists also her interest in the disposition to be made of the same race-elements existing in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which are conterminous with her own southern frontier. The presence there of a considerable Mohammedan population has led to chronic civil disorders, until they can hardly be said to be governed at all; and this empire has suffered consequently from the invasion of great numbers of pauper fugitives seeking refuge within her borders. A look at the map will also show that these provinces are geographically a back country whose outlet should be through the Austrian Adriatic provinces. I have heretofore written to you that Austria was preparing for a military occupation of these provinces. This occupation appears now to have been postponed until the sanction of the Berlin congress shall have been sought and, if possible, obtained. The indications now are that she will receive this commission from European authority to restore order and security there, and that Turkey will not resist by force of arms. What ultimate result of future dominion will follow this occupation remains to be seen. But it will give Austria a new military position of great importance in the future supervision of Servia.

It is in this manner, according to the best light accessible to me, that this government proposes to quiet her fears of the increase of the power and influence of the Sclavic race, resulting from the emancipation of Turkish provinces in Europe. If it shall be only the beginning of the extension of this empire eastward and southward, it opens an interesting field for historical speculation. Let some great Hungarian statesman secure hereafter the control of the government, abandon the German alliance, ignore the German element, push his armies on the Ægean, anticipate Russia at Constantinople, resting the right of his empire on the Adriatic, his left on the Bosphorus and Ægean, with Buda-Pesth for his political and Constantinople for his commercial capital! What then?

II. Railway and commercial control in the East.

The second controlling object of Austro-Hungarian policy appears to [Page 46] be the attainment of certain lines of commercial communication across the Turkish provinces in Europe, by the aid of which she may find new markets and outlets for her products and manufactures. Beside the countries of Roumania and Servia, with which she is already in communication both by the Danube and by railway, there are large interior districts into which run the railways from Constantinople and from Salonica.

Turkey seems to have desired not to extend these roads so far as to connect them with the European system, or even to make them easily accessible to the rest of Europe. The old Roman Empire left everywhere there its monuments as a road-making power. The Ottoman Empire on the contrary has usually left its monuments as a road-obstructing power. Jealousy of foreign approach is a universal Asiatic characteristic. Austria wishes to break this system as it exists in the Turkish provinces, and to connect these isolated railways with her own system. The one from Constantinople points to Belgrade and Buda-Pesth; that from Salonica, through Bosnia toward the Ægean and Vienna.

The latter railway will run through the strip of territory lying between Servia and Montenegro. For this reason also, as well as for that heretofore given, Austria desires a wide street between those two principalities for the security of this communication. While she hopes to control the upper portion of this one line by her military occupation of Bosnia, she hopes by special arrangements with the other principalities to provide for the completion and possible extension of the railway system.

Although the immediate object of Austria in this respect appears to be the establishment of increased commercial facilities for her people, one easily foresees how largely the accomplishment of this object will augment her political influence and power over the Oriental provinces, and will facilitate any projects of future territorial extension which may now exist in petto.

Austria, like England, appears at the congress to be controlled by her special material interests. If any high sentiment affects any power now sitting at the congressional table, it would seem to be Russia alone, who has sacrificed both blood and treasure for the emancipation of the Sclavic race beyond her own borders. The cry of Roumania against the proposed mutilation of her territory finds the ear of Austria as deaf as the other powers have shown themselves to be. Whether the congress will even establish a rule for the liberty and equality of religious worship and of race in the provinces of which they assume the reorganization, is still a matter of doubt. The reports are conflicting, and we can only await the official declaration of the result.

I have, &c.,

JOHN A. KASSON.