I inclose one of the most temperate articles which has appeared on this and
other supposed pending questions with the United States, taken from the
Monitor Republicano, an independent paper, and which is a pretty fair
expression of the prevailing public sentiment.
[Inclosure in No.
733.—Translation.]
The questions with the United States.
[From the Monitor Republicano, June 25,
1878.]
* * * * * * *
We should, then, consider the entrance of Mr. Mata into the department of
foreign affairs as an event without political signification, hut as
having certain importance on account of the serious questions which are
to be treated. After sounding public opinion, [Page 554] we can say to Mr. Mata that any arrangement with
the Government of the United States which may offend the dignity of the
nation, wound the susceptibilities and the rights of the Mexicans,
injure their interests in the present or compromise them in the future,
will be unanimously rejected throughout the whole country and may
precipitate a civil war. Discontented parties will make use of a
concession which may be simply a measure to preserve order as a party
pretext.
As the secrets of diplomacy are impenetrable, we can state nothing with
certainty, but our duty compels us to give attention to the rumors in
public circulation and analyze them.
The subjects of controversy are various which are contained in the demand
of the American Government, and which are in accordance with the desires
of the Texans, the eternal enemies of Mexico: the passage of American
troops to our territory in order to follow up marauders with the
co-operation of the Mexican forces; the abolition of the Free Zone; the
exemption of American citizens from extraordinary taxes; pecuniary
indemnifications for injuries suffered in consequence of the revolutions
and of marauders.
The most serious, the most important, of these points is, without any
doubt, that which treats of the passage of our frontier by American
troops, since the integrity of Mexican territory is being constantly
threatened by the expeditions of American Federal troops, by the
recruiting of Texan forces, by the frequent fillibustering plans, by the
projects for the conquest and annexation of five of our principal
frontier States, projects conceived and supported by the American press.
No; it is not possible for the Mexican Government to permit the troops
of the United States to pursue marauders within our territory, even when
it may be in combination with our troops.
We have said it on other occasions when the instructions to General Ord
were being discussed, and we repeat it now, that we do not consider it
degrading for the United States nor for Mexico to make an arrangement by
which both governments bind themselves to punish robbery, murder, and
all the depredations of the barbarous Indians and of the civilized
inhabitants of both frontiers, even when for this purpose the invasion
of the two territories is stipulated. When there is reciprocity there
can be no offense imputed to any of the contracting parties. Such an
agreement would not be degrading, but it would be highly dangerous. How
can we believe in the good faith of the American Government when hardly
yesterday Mr. Hayes, disregarding the faith of treaties, and
inaugurating a hostile policy, was provoking us to war? How can we
forget that if the conflict did not break out we owe it to Congress, to
the opposition party, and to the good sense of the American people? We
would be unjust if we did not acknowledge that among that people and in
both legislative chambers there are honorable men who do us justice and
who sympathize with our misfortunes.
Senator Morgan is there recommending to his government the cultivation of
friendly and commercial relations with Mexico, proposing that the
present limits between our republic and that of the United States be
guaranteed as permanent and inviolable. And when a Senator, who
represents nothing less than the State of Alabama, considers our fears
just and natural, and asks a solemn declaration
which will insure respect for the inviolability of our
frontier, because he considers it necessary and indispensable
for the establishment of confidence and frank relations between the two
countries, are we going to permit the passage of American troops to our
territory without any guarantees whatever?
The faith of treaties is suggested to us. What are treaties worth to the
colossus of the north? Did they not exist in 1836, when it favored the
independence of Texas? Did they not exist in 1848, when it despoiled us
of the half our territory?
We are glad that we are not the only ones in believing that a declaration
guaranteeing us from all temptation of conquest or annexation on the
part of the American Government should precede any agreement for giving
security to the frontier. On the contrary, if such a declaration should
not precede an arrangement, an accidental encounter between American and
Mexican forces in our territory would give rise to a conflict which
would be a pretext for war. Our troops exercising the same right which
we would concede to the Americans upon crossing to the neighboring
territory would be received with shots by the hostile Texans.
We are as fully convinced as anybody of the necessity of extirpating
murder and robbery upon both frontiers; of giving security to their
inhabitants, and that, in order to secure this, it is necessary to
resort to a combination between the two governments; but in regard to so
thorny a question we think that the will of the nation should be
consulted through all practicable mediums.
The abolition of the free zone demanded by the American Government, if
consented to, would place the country upon a level with the Turkish
Empire, in making our autonomy doubtful. This question is at present
pending resolution in Congress, and from it we hope that it may be
resolved, not in favor of the interests of the neighboring country, but
in favor of our frontier population.
To exempt foreigners from extraordinary taxes would be equivalent to
placing natives in a worse condition than that of the former, when both
have in our country an equal right to the protection of the laws. It is
not for the neighboring nation which [Page 555] does not permit foreigners to acquire real estate,
but does grind them down with heavy taxes in order to pay the war debt,
to demand of us that exemption.
We would renounce our autonomy if we should accede to that demand.
A government combated by revolutionists, and obliged to maintain order,
would have no right to create the resources necessary for an object so
important even when it had received the necessary authorization from the
legislative power.
That right would only be recognized with respect to citizens, but not
with respect to foreigners, whose lives and property the government
guarantees in preserving order. It is well, that the military chiefs and
employés of the government should not make extensive use of that
authorization, which they have abused and will abuse, imposing forced
loans and arbitrary requisitions. We are all agreed that a limit should
be placed upon these abuses which we acknowledge have been frequent,
although in a certain proportion falling heavier upon our citizens than
upon the foreigners; but it is known that the government is responsible
for them.
The pecuniary indemnification for which the Texans have clamored so
loudly, in order to make their own fortunes and secure by their claims
the necessary capital for acquiring the northern Mexican States, should
not, in our judgment, be taken into consideration.
Writers on international law recognize that a government is not under
obligations to indemnify the injuries caused to foreigners by factions
in a civil war. With regard to the injuries suffered by the inhabitants
of the frontier, either from cattle-thieves or from barbarous Indians,
it is impossible to estimate them, and as one government is as impotent
as the other to give them protection and security, we do not see what
claims the Americans would present which we could not present in turn.
In a few words we have examined the points of controversy in the treaty
which it is desired to celebrate between the American and Mexican
Governments; but in doing so, we have been guided by public rumors and
not by any official data or information. We do not guarantee
anything.