396.1 GE/5–454: Telegram
Sixth Plenary Session on Korea, Geneva, May 3, 3:05 p.m.: The United States Delegation to the Department of State1
Secto 85. Repeated information Tokyo 21, London 116, Paris 183, Oslo 4, Seoul 34, Moscow 40. Tokyo pass CINCUNC. Department pass Defense, CINCPAC, COMSAC. Following is sixth plenary meeting May 3 summary:
Eden noted receipt of message from Prime Minister Ceylon transmitting extract South Asian Prime Minister’s conference communiqué on Indochina.2 He then called on ROK representative.
Pyun in long oratory rebutted April 27 Nam Il, April 28 Chou En-lai and April 29 Molotov speeches and reiterated unacceptability Nam Il unification proposal. Ambassador Yang gave English interpretation.
Pyun began by noting that free world concepts of peace, freedom, democracy, etc., have been perverted by Communists to become covers for own misdeeds. As example described terroristic activities of people’s committees in north following liberation and noted Communists called this “democratic reform”.
Pyun noted Nam Il allegation that US failed to live up to 1945 Moscow agreement, planned division of Korea and carried out separate 1948 elections with police interference. Pyun said facts were that in accordance with Moscow agreement of US–USSR, joint commission met for two years but broke down over USSR demand that nationalist elements comprising majority of population be excluded. USSR subsequently refused to permit UN Commission entry into North Korea. On eve 1948 elections in south, Communists attempted violent sabotage. Pyun concluded that Communists claim police interference only when their own terroristic activities are interfered with.
Pyun then directed attention to Nam Il’s quotation from 1948 UNCOK report. Said quoted portion was communiqué which reported biased opinion only of one delegate, Mughir (Syria). According to Pyun, Mughir wanted to delay election until unity with those opposing elections, i.e., Communists, was achieved. Thus communiqué represented biased opinion of one man, not of commission as a whole.
[Page 188]In disparaging Nam Il’s praise for North Korean achievements, Pyun noted that over four million North Koreans fled over 38th parallel to safety of ROK. Praised ROK land reform program. Said iron curtain precluded expose true conditions North Korea.
Regarding Nam Il’s statement on POW’s “forcibly retained by ROK,” Pyun said ROK’s regarded all Koreans, including Nam Il, as brethren and as ROK citizens. He noted that not one of thousands of Koreans abducted by North Korean regime during autumn 1950 retreat has been sent back to ROK.
Pyun then asked Nam Il whether he still believed in Communism, after Communist China has trampled on Korea’s sovereignty. Communist China now has one adviser beside each nominal North Korean official, and one million Chinese Communist troops live off Korean land. North Koreans are being deported to make room for incoming Chinese peasants. Therefore, Nam Il and others should now repent and join ROK, which would “embrace them in warm brotherly love” and offer them all possible assistance.
Characterizing Chou and Molotov statements as lies and distortions, Pyun selected Chou’s charge that US was obstructing Asia’s desire for liberation. Pyun said that fact was imperialist is Red China, or USSR, since Red China is merely stooge of USSR. Cited destruction of nationalism in European satellites. Stated that bloc being formed by US in Asia is defensive, although he personally impatient and regretted present indecisive leadership in free world. Said better to smash python’s head than try to twist its tail.
Pyun then deflated Chou’s assertions that CPR represented Chinese people and that it has made progress, calling it merely satellite cringing at feet of Molotov.
Repeating appeal Communist brethren to return to ROK, Pyun called North Korea a “satellite’s satellite”.
Noting Molotov’s urgings that Koreans evict foreigners and settle own problems themselves, Pyun said he suspected there would be Communists in North Korea for some time regardless of any agreements reached, and ROK had right to keep its own friends around. Referring Molotov’s allegation Americans had intervened in Korea, ROK felt that if what US had done for ROK was intervention it is exactly what ROK desired and only complaint not quite as much as we desire. American intervention does not imply taking things away from native population, but rather assisting them.
Pyun dismissed Molotov’s contention that US was aggressor in Korea and Formosa and asked whether Molotov thought UN should condemn US rather than Communist China. Pyun said USSR used Security Council veto some 50 times including veto ROK admission but complains about US opposition admission Red China to UN.
[Page 189]Pyun said USSR protestations of love of freedom for other nations not persuasive. He said contrary to US position USSR did not propose use of Korean language at Geneva and this shows Communist China and USSR oblivious of North Korean regime as separate entity.
In conclusion, Pyun said Nam Il proposal was unacceptable because it (1) provided for an all-Korean government on a coalition basis, means of establishing other Soviet satellites; (2) excludes UN; and (3) provides interference by international body of countries of own choice replacing UN Commission.
During above speech Nam Il impassive but slowly wrote notes, presumably changes in his speech, which he passed other members North Korean delegation for comment.
Eden then called on Nam Il,3 who said he would rebut certain other statements made at conference and clarify certain points of his own proposal. Asserted that reference to certain UN resolutions adopted in absence DPROK unacceptable and without foundation.
Nam Il then quickly reiterated highlights of his April 27 proposal and launched into explanation of troop withdrawal item saying six months period originally specified, but other times could perhaps be worked out. Said US opposition to simultaneous withdrawal suggests US has intentions to use Korea as springboard for attack on China. Felt troops have a long way to go in event evacuation, Korean people do not look forward to their return.
Nam complained that Secretary Dulles said nothing about point three of his proposal. Stated participating nations must agree on measures to create improved conditions which would prevent renewal of hostilities as a basis of peaceful development of Korea. The great powers should further undertake specific obligations to guarantee independence of Korea and refrain from interference in Korean affairs.
Nam alleged US and other delegations insist elections in only North Korea, under supervision of UN and ROK, while demanding withdrawal of Chinese forces. Asserted Australian representative had admitted justice of DPROK proposal to hold all-Korean elections. Nam then drew on US and UK press stories and UN Commission reports covering period from 1948 elections through summer 1952 ROK political crisis to show that ROK is police state and that original elections invalid.
Nam also attempted historical citations including alleged September 1949 Rhee letter to Oliver and captured map in effort prove US and ROK guilty of 1950 aggression. Stated US intervened militarily in Korea before appropriate UN resolution was passed, and called attention [Page 190] to Rhee’s demand for march to north even after armistice. Nam warned if this was tried “Korean people” would deliver crushing blow. Speech also contained veiled undercurrent of threat to renew hostilities if agreement not reached at Geneva. Nam said preceding Pyun address such slanderous, fallacious, false statement obviously not worthy of rebuttal.
Referring to request of Australian representative for clarification of DPROK proposal for all-Korean mixed commission, Nam Il said he had in mind bilateral body which would adopt decisions by mutual agreement of both sides. Organizational procedure and number of members should also be subject to mutual agreement. He said that any difficulties such as Australian representative was worrying about could be easily surmounted by Korean people themselves.
Following break Greek Foreign Minister Stephanopoulos briefly pointed out that forces his government provided in defense of Korea were sent to fulfill obligation to uphold UN Charter and UN principle of collective security. Stephanopoulos stated that he would not support North Korean proposal.4
Chou En-lai, who had inscribed himself during Pyun’s speech, began by long attack on US insistence upon use of UN resolutions as basis solving Korean question, which was largely rehash his first speech in plenary.5 Relied heavily on old arguments that resolutions “illegal” and that UN disqualified itself from dealing with Korea because of its belligerency.
According to Chou, US has opposed Nam Il’s demands for withdrawal of foreign forces on grounds that US forces are of a different character. He said this true, but difference is that US forces are aggressors. Picking up analogy from Nam Il speech above, he suggested that US forces should be able to withdraw full 5,000 miles that they had come to engage in hostilities in Korea. Said withdrawal must be simultaneous and within definite period.
Chou then supported point three Nam Il’s proposal, as clarified, as basis for agreement at Geneva. Chou castigated Foreign Minister Pyun’s statement as slanderous ravings uttered for benefit of his master, Syngman Rhee. Said shameless that Pyun’s only complaint was that there was not enough US intervention.
Re prisoners of war, Chou asserted that US refusal to abide by repatriation provisions of Geneva convention was root of all difficulties. Recounted alleged US connivance at ROK June 1953 unilateral release of 27,000 prisoners of war, US obstruction of work of NNRC [Page 191] and impressment of POW’s in ROK and Chiang Kai-shek armies in violation armistice.
In conclusion Chou put forward proposal, which he stated had DPROK concurrence, providing that:
- (1)
- Measures be taken to return nonrepatriated Korean and Chinese POW’s impressed in June 1953 and January 1954;
- (2)
- Commission of US, UK, France, USSR, DPROK and ROK be established to solve this problem;
- (3)
- Joint Red Cross team, representing these nations, be sent to present location of POW’s for inspection.
Eden closed meeting at 6:25 p.m. after stating that Canada and Netherlands were inscribed for tomorrow.
Comment: Nam Il’s statement followed standard Communist line, and centered upon singling out US as aggressor, whereas Chou sought discredit UN role in Korean reunification. Nam Il’s speech was first admission in nonrestricted session that commission under his plan would have equal number Communist members and would give Communist veto over its decisions.
- A set of minutes of this meeting (US Verb Min/6) is in Conference files, lot 60 D 627, CF 267.↩
- The meeting of Prime Ministers of Burma, Ceylon, India, Indonesia, and Pakistan took place in Colombo from Apr. 28–May 2. For the text of the communiqué, see Documents on International Affairs, 1954 (issued under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs; London, Oxford University Press, 1957), pp. 166–169.↩
- Extracts from Nam Il’s statement are printed in The Korean Problem at the Geneva Conference, pp. 61–63.↩
- Stephanopoulos’ statement is printed in The Korean Problem at the Geneva Conference, pp. 63–64.↩
- Chou’s statement and proposal are printed ibid., pp. 65–69.↩