Roosevelt Papers
The Acting Secretary of
State to the President
1
Washington, August 11,
1943.
My Dear Mr. President: I am enclosing
herewith the papers which you requested at the meeting in your
office yesterday.2
These papers comprise the redraft of the Four-Power Protocol and the
original form of the suggested United Nations Protocol. The
abbreviated and revised draft of the latter protocol which you
requested is not yet completed and I am consequently sending you the
original version. During the next few days the shortened and revised
form which you desire will be sent to you at Hyde Park.3
There are also attached a memorandum prepared for you which gives you
the history of the recent British proposal and our analysis of it;
the telegram which contains the text of the British proposal, and
also the drafts sent to you by Mr. Churchill which you gave us
yesterday for our information.
Owing to Secretary Hull’s absence today, the redraft of the
Four-Power Protocol has not been submitted to him but I understand
from
[Page 692]
Dr. Pasvolsky that
the present draft is in accordance with the Secretary’s ideas.
Believe me [etc.]
[Enclosure 1]
Draft Declaration4
secret
[Washington,] August 11,
1943.
Tentative Draft of a Joint Four-Power
Declaration
The Governments of the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet
Union and China:
united in their determination, in accordance with the Declaration
by the United Nations of January 1, 1942, and subsequent
declarations, to continue hostilities against those Axis powers
with which they respectively are at war until such powers have
laid down their arms on the basis of unconditional
surrender;
conscious of their responsibility to secure the liberation of
themselves and the peoples allied with them from the menace of
aggression;
recognizing the necessity of ensuring a rapid and orderly
transition from war to peace and of establishing and maintaining
international peace and security with the least diversion of the
world’s human and economic resources for armaments;
jointly declare:
- 1.
- That their united action, pledged for the prosecution
of the war, will be continued for the organization and
maintenance of peace and security.
- 2.
- That those of them at war with a common enemy will act
together in all matters relating to the surrender and
disarmament of that enemy, and to any occupation of
enemy territory and of territory of other states held by
that enemy.
- 3.
- That they will take all measures deemed by them to be
necessary to provide against any violation of the
requirements imposed upon their present enemies.
- 4.
- That they recognize the necessity of establishing at
the earliest practicable date a general international
organization, based on the principle of the sovereign
equality of all nations, and open to membership by all
nations, large and small, for the maintenance of
international peace and security.
- 5.
- That for the purpose of maintaining international
peace and security pending the reestablishment of law
and order and the inauguration of a general system of
security, they will consult and act jointly in behalf of
the community of nations.
- 6.
- That, in connection with the foregoing purpose, they
will establish a technical commission to advise them on
the military problems involved, including the
composition and strength of the forces available in an
emergency arising from a threat to the peace.
- 7.
- That they will not employ their military forces within
the territories of other states except for the purposes
envisaged in this declaration and after joint
consultation and agreement.
- 8.
- That they will confer and cooperate to bring about a
practicable general agreement with respect to the
regulation of armaments in the post-war period.
[Enclosure 2]
Draft Protocol
secret
United Nations Protocol for the War and
Transition Period
The United Nations:
dedicated to the advancement of the general welfare of
mankind;
desiring to give immediate and practical effect to the principles
proclaimed in the Atlantic Charter;
seeking to obtain the continuing benefits of economic and social
cooperation;
determined to ensure their common security, and to attain the
progressive lightening of the burden of armament; and
resolved to achieve these purposes through a development of the
international organizations of a universal and regional
character required for their fulfillment;
have agreed as follows:
Article 1
The signatory states agree that their united action, pledged for
the prosecution of the war until the unconditional surrender of
the enemy states, shall be continued for the organization and
maintenance of the peace.
Article 2
The United Nations and the nations presently associated with them
agree that a permanent international organization shall be
established for the maintenance of peace and the advancement of
human welfare. They agree to expedite the creation of this
organization. Pending its inauguration, they hereby establish a
Provisional United Nations Council to be representative of all
states parties to the Declaration by the United Nations, at
Washington, January 1, 1942, and of the nations presently
associated with them. The member states agree
[Page 694]
to cooperate in carrying out the
measures determined upon by the Council until permanent world
peace is established.5
Article 3
The Provisional United Nations Council shall be composed of
eleven members, including one designated by the United States of
America, one by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland, one by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, one by
China, two by the group of European states, two by the group of
American states, one by the group of Far Eastern states, one by
the group of states of the Near and Middle East and of Africa,
and one by the British Dominions, as these groups are defined in
the first Annex to this Protocol.
Article 4
The members representing each group of states as represented in
the Council shall be elected for one year by the group, in
conference, from a panel consisting of nominees designated by
the states comprising the group. Each state may designate three
nominees who may be chosen from among nationals of any of the
states of the group of which it is a part.
Article 5
Members of the Provisional United Nations Council shall represent
the general interest of the region from which they are
designated rather than the particular interests of the states of
which they are nationals. They shall in all circumstances take
into account the general interest of the whole community of
states. In thus discharging their duties, they shall remain in
close consultation with the governments of the several states in
the regions from which they are designated, and they shall
faithfully present to the Council the views of those
governments.
Article 6
The Provisional United Nations Council shall formulate and
recommend to the United Nations the plan for the permanent
international organization envisaged in Article 2. Pending the
establishment of a wider and permanent system of general
security, and effective as to any particular region from the
date upon which the military authorities therein determine, the
Provisional Council shall assume in that region responsibility
for the maintenance of international security and shall provide
procedures for the pacific settlement of any disputes
threatening the peace.
Article 7
The Provisional United Nations Council shall establish a Security
and Armaments Commission and an Armaments Inspection Commission
[Page 695]
whose composition,
powers, and functions shall be as stated in the second Annex to
this Protocol.
Article 8
An effective procedure for the general limitation of armaments
shall be instituted by the Council, assisted by the Security and
Armaments Commission, as soon as practicable, in order to
determine the maximum and minimum levels of armaments to be
maintained by all states for the preservation of internal order
and the discharge of their respective responsibilities for
general security.
Article 9
The Provisional United Nations Council may utilize and establish
such technical committees, services, and secretariats as may be
required for carrying out the purposes of this Protocol. The
Council shall appoint an individual of recognized standing to
act as Chairman, without voting power, and to serve as Executive
Director of such provisional international administrative
organization as may be established. The Chairman of the Council
may appoint, subject to confirmation by the Council, such
administrative and other officers as may be required.
Article 10
The expenses of the Provisional United Nations Council and of any
administrative or secretarial staffs which it may create shall
be shared by the members in proportions to be determined by the
Council.
Article 11
The Provisional United Nations Council shall meet in ordinary
session at such times and places as it may determine. It may be
convened in special session upon the call of the Chairman or of
any member of the Council, or upon the initiative of any state
party to this Protocol. The Council shall establish its own
rules of procedure. Decisions shall be by two-thirds vote of the
members present, including all of the members designated by
individual states, except in instances when any one of these
members, in advance of the voting, declares an intention to
abstain from voting.
Article 12
This Protocol shall remain in force until superseded by the
inauguration of the permanent international organization
envisaged in Article 2. It may be amended by a decision of the
Council proposing to the signatory states such amendments as it
may consider desirable, which shall become effective when the
ratifications of two-thirds of the signatory states have been
received.
Article 13
This Protocol shall come into effect when it shall have been
ratified by 20 states members of the United Nations, including
the United
[Page 696]
States, the
United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and
China. It shall remain open for adherence by other sovereign and
independent states, not original signatories, subject to
approval by the Council.
[Annex 1 to Enclosure 2]
Representation on the Provisional United
Nations Council
Representatives on the Provisional United Nations Council shall
be designated by the following states and groups of states:
- United States of America, 1 representative
- United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
1 representative
- Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 1
representative
- China, 1 representative
-
European States
- 2 representatives
- Belgium
- Czechoslovakia
- United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland
- Greece
- *Iceland
- Luxemburg
- Netherlands
- Norway
- Poland
- Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
- Yugoslavia
-
Far Eastern States
- 1 representative
- China
- Philippines
-
Near and Middle Eastern States and
African States
- 1 representative
- *Egypt
- Ethiopia
- *Iran
- Iraq
- *Liberia
-
American States
- 2 representatives
- United States of America
- Bolivia
- Brazil
- *Chile
- *Colombia
- Costa Rica
- Cuba
- Dominican Republic
- *Ecuador
- El Salvador
- Guatemala
- Haiti
- Honduras
- Mexico
- Nicaragua
- Panama
- *Paraguay
- *Peru
- *Uruguay
- *Venezuela
-
British Dominions
- 1 representative
- Australia
- Canada
- [India]6
- New Zealand
- Union of South Africa
[Page 697]
[Annex 2 to Enclosure 2]
Technical Security and Armaments
Commissions
Article 1
The Security and Armaments Commission, to be established by the
the Provisional United Nations Council in accordance with
Article 7 of the present Protocol, shall be composed of
military, naval, aviation, and civilian representatives of the
states and groups of states represented on the Council.
Additional representatives may be designated by the Council.
Each member of the Commission may be accompanied by alternates
and experts. The Commission may set up a panel of special
experts, and may appoint committees whose number, composition,
and functions shall be subject to approval by the Council.
Article 2
The Security and Armaments Commission shall be charged with the
following duties: (a) to recommend to the
Council plans and procedures for the general limitation of
armaments as provided in Article 8 of the present Protocol; (b) to supervise the execution of all
armaments stipulations, including control over manufacture and
trade in arms, which may be adopted in pursuance of the present
Protocol, or required of the enemy states by the terms of
surrender, and report regularly to the Council; (c) to propose to the Council any
modifications and amendments it may deem desirable or necessary
to make in armaments limitation agreements, or in armaments
terms imposed upon the enemy states; (d)
to advise and assist the Council in any emergency in the
application of security measures; and (e)
to discharge such other duties as may be assigned to it by the
Council.
Article 3
The Armaments Inspection Commission, to be established by the
Provisional United Nations Council in accordance with Article 7
of the present Protocol, shall be composed of military, naval,
aviation, and other technical experts, a majority of the total
number of whom shall be nationals of states other than those
possessing individual representation on the Council. The Members
of the Commission shall be chosen by the Council upon nomination
by the Security and Armaments Commission.
Article 4
The Armaments Inspection Commission shall act under the direct
authority of the Security and Armaments Commission. It shall
regularly report to the Security and Armaments Commission on the
armaments and armaments potential of all states, and shall be
charged with the duty of inspecting the armaments and armaments
potential of
[Page 698]
the
former enemy states, and of other states in accordance with the
agreements envisaged in Article 8 of the present Protocol.
[Enclosure 3]
Memorandum by the Secretary of State’s Special
Assistant (Pasvolsky)
[Washington,] August 11,
1943.
Memorandum for the President
1. On July 16, 1943, Mr. Eden communicated to our Ambassador in
London,7
for transmission to the Secretary of State, an Aide-Mémoire, the text of which is attached, on
“Suggested Principles which Would Govern the Conclusion of
Hostilities with the European Members of the Axis.” The British
proposal envisages the creation of an Inter-Allied Armistice
Commission or an Inter-Allied Control Commission for each enemy
country. It further envisages (paragraph 9) the creation of a
supervisory body called “United Nations Commission for Europe”,
to be situated at some point of [on?] the
Continent, and to be composed of “high ranking political
representatives of the United Kingdom, the United States,
U.S.S.R., France and other minor European Allies, and, if so
desired, of any Dominion prepared to contribute to the policing
of Europe.”
This Commission would be the Supreme United Nations authority in
Europe. It would “direct and coordinate the activities of the
several Armistice Commissions, the Allied Commanders-in-Chief,
and any United Nations civilian authorities that may be
established.” It would also “deal with current problems,
military, political and economic, connected with the maintenance
of order.” It would have a “Steering Committee”, composed of
representatives of the United Kingdom, the United States, the
U.S.S.R., and of France, “if she should recover her greatness.”
The Steering Committee would be the directing body of the
Commission, and would operate under the unanimity rule.
In paragraph 10 of the British Aide-Mémoire it is further proposed that various
civilian authorities, whether set up on a world or on a European
basis, should, in respect of their European activities,
establish their headquarters in the same city as the United
Nations Commission for Europe, and should be responsible to the
Commission. The activities indicated include relief and
rehabilitation, refugees, shipping, inland transportation,
telecommunications, propaganda, reparation, restitution, and
other economic problems.
[Page 699]
2. The British proposal has been studied in the Department of
State and by the Subcommittee on Security of the Advisory
Committee on Post-War Foreign Policy. The general comment of the
Subcommittee on Security is as follows:
The Subcommittee agrees fully with the view expressed in
the Aide-Mémoire to the effect
that inter-allied agencies must be set up to supervise
the execution of surrender terms by the defeated states,
and to deal with problems relating to the rehabilitation
of enemy and enemy-occupied territories during the first
after-war period. Nonetheless, the Subcommittee
questions the desirability of attempting to combine
these agencies and functions with those which are
general, i.e., worldwide or European in scope, and
long-term in character. It is the feeling of the
Subcommittee that the decision to create an agency,
which would be essentially a kind of super-government
for Europe, should be made exclusively on its own
merits, and should not be confused with the making of
necessary arrangements with respect to the enemy states.
It is felt that the political reaction in this country
would be unfavorable if the United States were to take
such a major step involving general and long-run
commitments, under the guise of making a settlement with
the enemy. These policy issues should be determined
separately.
3. The British Aide-Mémoire raises again
the whole issue of regionalism in connection with international
organization. That question has been raised several times by Mr.
Churchill. His ideas are clearly expressed in the two documents
addressed to the President, which are attached to this
memorandum.8 The general
thought seems to be that international relations should be
basically organized on a regional basis, in the form of three
regional Councils—for Europe, for the Western Hemisphere, and
for the Far East. There would also be a World Council as a
superstructure.
This question has been the subject of much study and discussion
in the Department and in its various committees. The committee
discussions have so far pointed to the following conclusions:
(1) that the basis of international organization should be
world-wide rather than regional; (2) that there are grave
dangers involved in having the world organization rest upon the
foundation of previously created, full-fledged regional
organizations; and (3) that while there may be advantages in
setting up regional arrangements for some purposes, such
arrangements should be subsidiary to the world organization and
should flow from it.
This points to the desirability of creating a general United
Nations agency, operating on functional basis, and—when
advisable—having
[Page 700]
some
subsidiary regional structures. Such an agency could well be set
up on a provisional basis during the war to perform concrete
tasks involved in the transition from war to peace and to
prepare the way for the establishment of a permanent world
organization.
4. It is our thought that the first procedural step should be by
way of securing agreement between the United States, the United
Kingdom, the Soviet Union and China on the issuance by them of a
joint declaration or parallel identic declarations containing
their basic intentions and constituting a pledge on their part
to act jointly for certain specified purposes. Such a
declaration or declarations should be in the nature of an
extension of the pledges undertaken by the four major powers in
the Declaration by United Nations of January 1, 1942. There is
attached hereto a tentative draft of a joint declaration.9
5. It is our further thought that the four-power declaration
should be followed, as rapidly as possible, by the negotiation
of a United Nations protocol and the setting up, under it, of
the necessary provisional machinery for the performance of
various tasks as they present themselves in point of time. A
statement of the possible provisions of such a protocol will be
ready in a few days.10
[Subenclosure 1—Telegram]
The Ambassador in the United Kingdom
(Winant) to the Secretary of State
4626. For the Secretary and the Under Secretary.
When Mr. Eden gave me the following Aide-Mémoire he explained to me that although it had
been considered by the War Cabinet, it was not intended to
represent a fixed program but rather a document for
consideration. It is the result of study and a realization that
there is danger of over-simplification of the problems involved.
They would much appreciate our comments and reactions.
“Aide-Mémoire
Suggested Principles Which Would Govern The
Conclusion Of Hostilities With the European Members Of The
Axis
1. The terms to be imposed on any European member of the Axis
should be presented as one comprehensive document covering all
the United Nations at war with that member, and embodying the
principle of unconditional surrender.
[Page 701]
2. If there exists a central enemy Government with which we are
prepared to treat, a fully accredited representative of that
Government should be associated with its Commander-in-Chief for
purposes of signature; or alternatively the Armistice should not
come into force until confirmed by that Government.
3. If there is no such Government the Armistice should be signed
by the enemy Commander-in-Chief only. In that case provisions
which the enemy Commander-in-Chief lacks authority to execute
would have to be omitted from the Armistice, which would thus be
primarily a military document. Non-military provisions should so
far as necessary be embodied in a Declaration or Proclamation
issued by the United Nations.
4. If there is neither an enemy Government nor Commander-in-Chief
with whom we can or are prepared to treat, military resistance
would presumably be brought to an end by a series of local
capitulations. It would, however, probably be desirable that the
United Nations should issue a declaration stating their
intentions in respect of the defeated power. This would be
followed by a series of proclamations issued by the Allied
Commander-in-Chief containing instructions to the local
authorities and population.
5. The administration of any armistice should be placed in the
hands of an inter-Allied Armistice Commission, the President to
be alternately a representative of the United States, U.S.S.R.,
and the United Kingdom. The Commission would establish its
headquarters in the Axis country concerned, and would be
responsible for controlling the execution of the Armistice
terms; in the first place, the disarmament and demobilization of
enemy armed forces, the collection and disposal of surrendered
war material and other mobile property and the handing over of
fortifications and other fixed property. Representatives of the
Armistice Commission would be dispatched to liberated Allied
territory to perform a similar task in respect of the enemy
troops there located and to regulate their evacuation or
internment.
6. In the absence of an Armistice (see Paragraph 4) a Control
Commission should administer the appropriate portions of the
Declaration.
7. Any Armistice or Declaration would presumably provide for
occupation, whether total or partial, of the countries
concerned. In the case of Germany the exact method of organizing
such an occupation should be the subject of technical
discussions between the military advisers of the United Kingdom,
the United States of America and the U.S.S.R. in the first
instance.
8. The United Nations Commander-in-Chief in any occupied country
should have complete responsibility for the maintenance of law
and order.
9. There should be established a supervisory body entitled
‘United Nations Commission for Europe,’ composed of high ranking
political representatives of the
United Kingdom, the United States of America and the U.S.S.R.,
of France and the other minor European Allies, and, if so
desired, of any Dominion prepared to contribute to the policing
of Europe. The Commission should be situated at some convenient
point on the Continent.
[Page 702]
The Commission would act as the Supreme United Nations authority
in Europe to direct and coordinate the activities of the several
Armistice Commissions, the Allied Commanders-in-Chief and any
United Nations civilian authorities that may be established; and
to deal with current problems, military, political and economic,
connected with the maintenance of order.
A ‘Steering Committee’, consisting of the representatives of the
United Kingdom, the United States of America and the U.S.S.R.,
and of France, if she recovers her greatness, should be
established as the directing body of the Commission. In the
‘Steering Committee’ the unanimity rule should apply.
10. It is likely that a number of civilian authorities will be
set up by agreement between the United Nations, some on a world
and others on a European basis. Apart from the United Nations
relief and rehabilitation administration and the
Inter-Governmental Committee which may emerge from the Bermuda
Conference,11
the establishment of a United Nations Shipping Authority and a
United Nations Inland Transport Authority for Europe have been
suggested. Analogous bodies may well be required to control
telecommunications and propaganda, and to handle reparation and
restitution and other economic problems. These authorities
might, in respect of their European activities, establish their
headquarters in the same city as the United Nations Commission
for Europe, to whom they would be responsible and provide the
necessary technical advice.
Foreign Office. 14th July 1943.”
[Subenclosure 2]
The British Ambassador (Halifax) to President Roosevelt
most secret
Washington, February 2nd,
1943.
Dear Mr. President, I enclose the
further message from the Prime Minister12
which I mentioned in my earlier letter today.
I also enclose a copy of a personal message to you from Mr. Eden,
which has just come in.13
Believe me [etc.]
[Annex to Subenclosure 2]
Prime Minister Churchill to President Roosevelt
most secret
Morning Thoughts
note on post-war security
When United Nations led by three Great Powers, Great Britain,
United States and U.S.S.R. have received unconditional surrender
of
[Page 703]
Germany and Italy,
Great Britain and United States will turn their full force
against Japan in order to punish effectively that greedy and
ambitious nation for its treacherous assaults and outrages and
to procure likewise from Japan unconditional surrender.
- 2.
- In this, although no treaty arrangement has been made, it
seems probable that Great Britain and United States will be
joined by Russia.
- 3.
- The peace conference of the victorious powers will
probably assemble in Europe while final stages of war
against Japan are still in progress. At this conference the
defeated aggressor countries will receive directions of
victors. Object of these directions will be to prevent as
effectively as possible renewal of acts of aggression of the
kinds which have caused these two terrible wars in Europe in
one generation. For this purpose and so far as possible
total disarmament of guilty nations will be enforced. On the
other hand no attempt will be made to destroy their peoples
or to prevent them gaining their living and leading a decent
life in spite of all the crimes they have committed.
- 4.
- It is recognized that it is not possible to make the
vanquished pay for war as was tried last time, and
consequently task of rebuilding ruined and starving Europe
will demand from conquerors a period of exertion scarcely
less severe than that of the war. Russia particularly which
has suffered such a horrible devastation will be aided in
every possible way in her work of restoring the economic
life of her people. It seems probable that economic
reconstruction and rehabilitation will occupy full energies
of all countries for a good many years in view of their
previous experiences and lessons they have learned.
- 5.
- Russia has signed a treaty with Great Britain14 on basis of Atlantic Charter15
binding both nations mutually to aid each other. The
duration of this treaty is twenty years. By it and by
Atlantic Charter the two nations renounce all idea of
territorial gains. Russians no doubt interpret this as
giving them right to claim, subject to their agreement with
Poland, their frontier of June 1941 before they were
attacked by Germany.
- 6.
- It is the intention of chiefs of the United Nations to
create a world organisation for the preservation of peace
based upon the conceptions of freedom and justice and the
revival of prosperity. As a part of this organisation an
instrument of European Government will be established which
will embody the spirit but not be subject to the weakness of
former League of Nations. The units forming this body
[Page 704]
will not only be
the great nations of Europe and Asia Minor only. Need for a
Scandinavian bloc, Danubian bloc and a Balkan bloc appear to
be obvious. A similar instrument will be formed in the Far
East with different membership and the whole will be held
together by the fact that victorious powers as yet continue
fully armed, especially in the air, while imposing complete
disarmament upon the guilty. None can predict with certainty
that the victors will never quarrel amongst themselves, or
that the United States may not once again retire from
Europe, but after the experiences which all have gone
through, and their sufferings and the certainty that a third
struggle will destroy all that is left of culture, wealth
and civilization of mankind and reduce us to the level
almost of wild beasts, the most intense effort will be made
by the leading Powers to prolong their honourable
association and by sacrifice and self-restraint to win for
themselves a glorious name in human annals. Great Britain
will certainly do her utmost to organize a coalition of
resistance to any act of aggression committed by any power;
it is believed that the United States will cooperate with
her and even possibly take the lead of the world, on account
of her numbers and strength, in the good work of preventing
such tendencies to aggression before they break into open
war.
- 7.
- The highest security for Turkey in post-war world will be
found by her taking her place as a victorious belligerent
and ally at the side of Great Britain, the United States and
Russia. In this way a start will be made in all friendliness
and confidence, and a new instrument will grow around the
goodwill and comradeship of those who have been in the field
together, with powerful armies.
- 8.
- Turkey may be drawn into war either by being attacked in
the despairing convulsions of a still very powerful Nazi
power, or because her interests require her to intervene to
help prevent total anarchy in the Balkans, and also because
the sentiments of modern Turkey are in harmony with the
large and generous conceptions embodied in the Atlantic
Charter, which are going to be fought for and defended by
new generations of men.
- 9.
- We must therefore consider the case of Turkey becoming a
belligerent. The military and technical side is under
examination by Marshal Chakmak, Generals Brooke, Alexander,
Wilson and other high technical authorities. The political
aspect is no less important. It would be wrong for Turkey to
enter the war unless herself attacked, if that only led her
to a disaster, and her ally Britain has never asked and will
never ask her to do so under such conditions. On the other
hand if the general offensive strength of Turkey is raised
by the measures now being taken, and also by the increasing
weakness of Nazi Germany, or by their withdrawal to a
greater distance, or by the great divisions
[Page 705]
taking place in Bulgaria, or
by the bitter quarrel between the Rumanians and the
Hungarians over Transylvania, or through the internal
resistance to German and Italian tyranny shewn by Yugoslavia
and Greece: for any or all of these reasons and causes,
Turkey should play a part and win her place in the council
of victors.
- 10.
- In the first instance it is possible that the military
situation might be such that Turkey would feel justified in
taking the same extended view of neutrality or
non-belligerency as characterized the attitude of the United
States of America towards Great Britain before the United
States of America was drawn into the war. In this connexion
the destruction of Rumanian oilfields by air attacks by
British and American aircraft operating from Turkish
airfields, or re-fuelling there, would have far-reaching
consequences and might in view of the oil scarcity in
Germany appreciably shorten the struggle. In the same way
also the availability of air bases or re-fuelling points in
Turkey would be of great assistance to Great Britain in her
necessary attack on the Dodecanese, and later upon Crete,
for which in any case, whether we get help or not, General
Wilson has been directed to prepare during the present year.
There is also the immensely important question of opening
the Straits to Allied and. then closing [them] to Axis
traffic. The case contemplated in this paragraph is one in
which Turkey would have departed from strictly impartial
neutrality and definitely have taken sides with the United
Nations without however engaging her armies offensively
against Germany or Bulgaria; and those nations would put up
with this action on the part of Turkey because they would
not wish to excite her to more active hostility.
- 11.
- However, we cannot survey this field without facing the
possibility of Turkey becoming a full belligerent and of her
armies advancing into the Balkans side by side with the
Russians on the one hand in the north and the British to the
southward. In the event of Turkey becoming thus directly
involved either offensively or through being attacked in
consequence of her attitude, she would receive the utmost
aid from all her allies and in addition it would be right
for her before incurring additional risks to seek precise
guarantees as to her territorial rights after the war. Great
Britain would be willing to give these guarantees in a
treaty at any time quite independently of any other power.
She is also willing to join with Russia in giving such
guarantees and it is believed that Russia would be willing
to make a treaty to cover the case of Turkey becoming a full
belligerent either independently or in conjunction with
Great Britain. It seems certain to Mr. Churchill that
President Roosevelt would gladly associate himself with such
treaties and that the whole weight of the United States
would be used in peace settlement to that end. At the same
time one
[Page 706]
must not
ignore the difficulties which United States Constitution
interposes against prolonged European commitments. These
treaties and assurances would naturally fall within the
ambit of the world-instrument to protect all countries from
wrong-doing which it is our main intention and inflexible
resolve to create, should God give us the power and lay this
high duty upon us.
