740.0011 European War, 1939/18539
Memorandum by the Mexican Ambassador (Castillo Nájera)
President Roosevelt, Vice President Wallace, and Prime Minister Churchill Receive the Latin American Chiefs of Mission, December 27, 1941
Between nine and ten o’clock this morning the Latin American Chiefs of Mission were invited to a conference with President Roosevelt. They were notified that the meeting would be short, that it would be held in the Red Room of the White House, and that it would begin at twelve o’clock sharp.
Most of the representatives assembled in the vestibule of the White House and at the appointed hour were conducted into the Red Room. The absence of the Ambassadors of Brazil, Colombia, and Panama was noted. The suddenness of the invitation did not give the first [Page 119] two, who were away from the capital, time to attend, and the Panamanian Ambassador presented his excuses because of illness.
In the Red Room were President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill, and Lord Halifax, Ambassador of Great Britain. The latter was standing, while the President remained seated in the corner of a sofa and at his left side, in a large armchair drawn near, was Prime Minister Churchill.
The President introduced the diplomats by order of precedence, and Mr. Churchill, who had risen to his feet, exchanged a few words with each. As the introductions were ending, Vice President Wallace entered the room. The President paid him a compliment, stating that he was the only Vice President among all those who had ever held the office who spoke Spanish. He then added that Mr. Wallace was going to visit the countries of Latin America, where he would be able to speak to the people in their native languages, although, said President Roosevelt, the Vice President was not very sure that he had a good command of Portuguese. The Vice President remained standing, while Mr. Churchill again took his seat.
Next, President Roosevelt recalled that he had frequently had occasion in recent times to talk with some of the visitors; he mentioned the Dean and Ambassadors of Argentina and Mexico; hence, the President added, he would like some other representative, especially someone from Central America, to sit down beside him and share the sofa with him. He emphasized the invitation with an expressive gesture, but no one moved from the semicircle that had formed in front of him and Mr. Churchill.
The President, still speaking of Central America, expressed his gratification at the attitude of the republics of that region. Those countries, and a number of others, he said, had declared war on the totalitarian powers; the remaining countries had not gone to that extreme, having agreed to assume “an actively sympathetic neutrality,” action, the President stated, which was appreciated and for which the Government of the United States expressed its gratitude.
Without interruption the President made a very brief summary of the known facts which had caused his country to take on the role of “active belligerent”; in a joking tone he said that “We are all in the same boat, just as we are all in this room.” He affirmed his faith in the triumph of the democracies and made some trenchant comments on the news issued by the Japanese Government to deceive his country. The President knew that the official reports from Tokyo were saying that the Pacific was completely dominated by Japanese naval forces; the Japanese Government’s audacity even went as far as the announcement that maritime shipping would very shortly be resumed between Japan and South America and trade would be established on an intensive and continuing basis. The President concluded that part of his remarks with these words: “It is possible that that trade [Page 120] will never come to pass; right now I can assert that no Japanese ship will dare to approach the coasts of South America, and if any is foolhardy enough to do so, it will not return to its base.”
Mr. Roosevelt emphasized that the democracies would win the final victory, and in the balance of the future, as an organization for peace after the defeat of Hitlerism, he stated that the democracies, acting together—Great Britain, the United States, the British Dominions, and Latin America, as well as the European countries that might join in the civilizing task—would establish an international system that would guarantee the peaceful existence of all nations of the world, giving them opportunities for their development and progress, free of the fear of the calamities of war; but, cautioned the President, “to arrive at that stage, it is imperative to destroy Hitlerism in Germany and the world, and to disarm that country and keep it unarmed, so that at least one or two generations may enjoy the advantages of civilization free of threats, giving themselves over to scientific and other generous endeavors that will bring all mankind closer to the ideals of perfection.” The President revealed that he had discussed all that he had been saying with Mr. Churchill, who shared the ideas expressed and supported the same objectives as those advocated by the United States.
“Europe should follow our example, and thus all the countries of the Old World would enjoy a happy life, based on mutual respect, without discrimination between large and small nations,” said the President in an earnest tone of conviction. He then sketched the conditions that had existed in past times among the “nations of this Hemisphere.” Fortunately, Mr. Roosevelt noted with obvious pleasure, “the favorable transformation that began eight years ago is plain to be seen; in the establishment of the Good Neighbor Policy, the New Deal has demonstrated the sincere desires for fraternal relationships that inspire us.”
“In August 1933 a revolutionary movement developed in Cuba. I summoned the representatives of Latin America to a meeting in this same place; some of you attended that meeting (the President indicated the Ambassador of Peru and the Minister of Honduras, who nodded their assent) and you will remember that I stated then that although the United States had the right to intervene and to land troops, I was not going to operate as had my predecessors, because I considered that the matter was a national problem and it was up to the Cubans to resolve it. If some naval units were sent to Cuban ports, it was for the purpose of taking on citizens of this country who wanted to be repatriated; nobody wanted that and after three or four days the ships returned to United States waters.
“Thus, by means of this clearly evident act, proof was given of the Good Neighbor Policy, which has continued to be the rule in our inter-American [Page 121] relations and the beneficial fruits of which we find valuable in this present conflict.”
Mr. Roosevelt concluded by reaffirming that the forces of Hitler would fail in their attempt to impose on the world a system repugnant to human dignity; “coming generations will enjoy the conquests that the present generation ensures to them.”
The President, who had taken fourteen minutes for his remarks, asked Mr. Churchill whether he wished to make any comments. Mr. Churchill reemphasized what had been said by President Roosevelt about the triumph of the democracies and supported his words with references to naval strength. The Atlantic, he said, was under the control of the British Navy; the production of ships and air facilities had this year given Britain even greater superiority than it had been acknowledged to have at the beginning of the war. He explained that the losses suffered by Germany made it impossible for that nation to undertake naval operations of any consequence. As for the submarine campaign, Mr. Churchill stated that it was daily becoming less dangerous to shipping between Europe and America; the British sea and air forces already had the means to punish the submarines that ventured into the high seas. The rate of production was increasing day by day in both British and American shipyards, while in Germany and Italy it had dropped by one-fifth, compared to what it had been a year ago. It would take a year and a half to make the repairs and replacements for the losses suffered by the two European Axis powers; as already indicated, Great Britain and the United States were producing at a very high rate and the assurance could be given that the Atlantic sea lanes would continue indefinitely to be a sure means of communication between the two continents. The United States could transfer its naval forces to the Pacific without the least fear because—and this bore repeating—the British Navy was more than able to guarantee control of the Atlantic.
Mr. Churchill was of the opinion that in the Mediterranean the Italian fleet was superior in the number of large units; it had three cruisers of the “Littorio” type, as well as destroyers and submarines; but judging by what had been shown thus far, that superiority had not managed to make itself felt; the tactical, strategic, and moral performance of the seamen did not balance with the apparent preponderance of strength. Great Britain was not worried over this situation and had not planned to divert units from other maritime sectors to reinforce those in the Mediterranean. It could be asserted, concluded Mr. Churchill, that Great Britain and the United States were the masters of the seas.
Vice President Wallace asked what role Mr. Churchill conceded to the French Navy. The Prime Minister replied that as it would be recalled, a great part of that Navy had been destroyed by the [Page 122] British; two remaining ships, the Jean Bart and another of the same type, had been considerably damaged and were in French Morocco; it would take many months to repair them; but regardless of the physical or material problem, it could be considered that the crews of the French ships would refuse to serve on behalf of Germany; this would oblige Hitler’s Naval Command to remove officers and men, and it was well known that only after extended training was it possible to handle the ships of a foreign nation; every fleet had its own special characteristic details that made handling difficult for those who had not been trained on the ships themselves. Mr. Churchill was sure that Admiral Darlan would not dare to order the remains of the French Squadron to cooperate with Germany because he knew beforehand that his orders would be disobeyed. The Prime Minister recalled the fact that French naval units anchored in Far Eastern waters had entered into an agreement with Dutch East Indies authorities and remained neutral at bases there.
Mr. Churchill concluded his remarks by expressing his faith in the triumph of the democracies and the reign of justice and peace. His statement, including the Vice President’s question and his reply, lasted ten minutes.
President Roosevelt then spoke again. It was necessary, he said, to concern ourselves not only with the problems of the war but also with the problems of economic cooperation, both of which would be dealt with at the forthcoming conference of Foreign Ministers.1 Military cooperation—which naturally included naval and air cooperation as well—was taking shape, although there was no coordination at the Hemisphere level. In brief, the United States would increase the production of arms and munitions of all kinds; within four or five months it would be in a position to provide the other American republics with the material needed for effective defense of the Hemisphere. Stores of munitions would be deposited in appropriate places and arms and equipment would be provided to the countries that most needed them, according to their situation and the degree of risk involved. For example, on the Atlantic it was natural that thought should be given to Brazil, which was short of air strength, as well as defensive elements; the President mentioned Brazil because, on account of its proximity to the West African coast, its extensive coast line, and its lack of fortifications, it was a vulnerable zone, regarded by Hitler’s strategists as the least difficult prize to seize, as a toe hold where a landing would ensure a base for future operations. Therefore, it was urgent to equip Brazil. Various parts of the Pacific coast (the President did not specify any in particular) also had to be considered, although in much lesser measure than the Brazilian coast.
[Page 123]Vice President Wallace asked whether any thought had been given to the establishment of a Continental Defense Council, and if so, whether any program for coordinating joint action had been worked out.
The President replied that the advisability of setting up such a body had been approached in a general manner only. However, he added, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs who were going to meet in Rio de Janeiro would undoubtedly take up that extremely important question. President Roosevelt said that he did not know whether the subject was included in the agenda of the conference; but in any event, he repeated, the Foreign Ministers would discuss it, even if it was not on the agenda of the Meeting of Consultation. The program which the Government of the United States had set for itself to ensure the defense of the Hemisphere included the production of all kinds of materials, for distribution as deemed advisable throughout all the countries of the Americas; and that program had not failed to take into account the details of military, naval, and air requirements, as well as supplies of raw materials needed for war industries and food for the people. The Latin American representatives would receive the pertinent information in due course as the program was developed. “In the future you and we shall have to establish more frequent and more intimate contact; we shall notify you with what agencies or officials you are to get in touch,” said the President. He declared that never again would the mistake be made of allowing any nation to become a danger to the community. “That mistake, committed in the past, is the reason why many men who are still alive have suffered, in varying proportions, the consequences of the two great conflagrations of this century. That shall not be repeated. Not only the countries now engaged in actual struggle against Hitlerism, but four-fifths of all mankind reject totalitarian methods and anxiously desire the victory of freedom and justice.”
Returning to Mr. Wallace’s question, the President again mentioned the Rio conference, at which the action of the Hemisphere would probably be determined. “Perhaps a declaration of war is not necessary. Unfortunately, we have witnessed a number of wars without a declaration.” The President concluded by repeating that in the future there would be more frequent contacts between the Chiefs of Mission of Latin America and United States authorities; the course of events made this necessary; the measures required to triumph over tyranny and reestablish peace demanded it. These final remarks lasted nine minutes.
As we took our leave, the President and Mr. Churchill exchanged courtesies with the visitors.
The entire interview, from the time of entering the Red Room to the time of departure, lasted thirty-eight minutes. It should be noted [Page 124] that at twelve o’clock, the time set for the meeting, we were already in the presence of the Chief Executive.
- See “Third Meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the American Republics, Held at Rio de Janeiro, January 15–28, 1942”, Foreign Relations, 1942, vol. v, pp. 6 ff.↩