862.00/2518
The Chargé in Germany (Gordon) to the Secretary of State
[Received September 29.]
Sir: In amplification of my telegram No. 105 of September 15, I have the honor to report further as follows:
The last returns which had not been received at the moment of sending that telegram are now to hand; they increase the number of Reichstag seats given in my said telegram by two, so that they now number 575. There may be some negligible modification of the classification of seats given in my telegram—e. g. the People’s Party may gain a couple of seats at the expense of the State Party—and the exact allocation of the 48 seats divided among the six “splinter” parties will not be definitely settled for some days; but for all practical purposes, including the possible combinations capable of carrying on the business of government, the Department may refer to the figures of my yesterday’s telegram.…
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Although, as has already been reported to the Department, the gain of the extremists had been definitely expected, and its very certain prospect was one of the main reasons on various occasions prior to July 18 for refraining from causing a dissolution of the Reichstag, even when the Government was in a decided minority, the extent of this gain was a tremendous surprise to everyone, including probably to the National Socialists themselves. The most unfortunate feature thereof, in my opinion, is the grounds—or rather lack of grounds—on which this party was able to make a successful appeal to such an enormous number of citizens. The Department is, of course, aware of the general complexion of this party but it may not be amiss again to emphasize the extraordinarily confused, self-contradictory and opportunist character of their campaign. Any constructive element in their so-called program is difficult to discern, even by inference; when seeking to win votes from the Communists the National Socialist orators declared that, as their social theories were similar, they appealed to them to vote for a Communist form of government directed by Germans rather than the same thing under the guidance of Moscow; when invading Nationalist territory, the party spokesman emphasized their adherence to the principle of private ownership of property. Throughout the land their program consisted of asseverations that all the country’s evils flowed from Semitism, international banks, the Young Plan, the Treaty of Versailles and all other international treaties with any provisions which might be considered objectionable from a chauvinistic point of view, the remedy being [Page 78] repudiation pure and simple of any such written obligations, and a march on Berlin, for the purpose of establishing a reactionary dictatorship with, however, not even a suggestion as to the alternative measures contemplated for remedying the conditions complained of.
As I intimated in the concluding paragraph of the telegram under reference, a large percentage of the six million four hundred thousand citizens who voted the National Socialist ticket would seem to have been impelled thereto by a feeling of disgust for the prolonged failure of both the moderate middle parties and of the Social Democrats to operate the parliamentary machinery of the Government with smoothness or efficiency, which in turn led to the fear that any approach to such efficiency would only be effected as a result of further sacrifices and hardships on their part.
Various governmental combinations having been powerless to ameliorate their individual lots, they appear to have felt that any change meant everything to gain and nothing to lose, even though they could not see clearly how such gain could be brought about.
I have no doubt but that a considerable number of individuals of whom one might expect sounder mental processes and whom one would be surprised to find having voted the National Socialist ticket, did so from the foregoing motives. If this analysis be correct, it is doubly unfortunate that the more intelligent citizens who were induced to vote the National Socialist ticket could not see further than this and realize that in thus voting they were taking the surest steps to increase the difficulties of government, to further impair foreign confidence—especially in financial circles—in the stability of German republican institutions and, in general, to intensify the economic and financial evils of which they complain. However, they apparently thought neither of this nor of anything else of that nature. When over six million voters follow a party which promises “freedom and bread” without any indication as to how either is going to be provided, certainly the least that can be said is that such voters are in a very reckless frame of mind.
It is most probable, likewise, that a large part of the National Socialist votes came from citizens who only recently attained voting age and who represent a generation that has no personal knowledge of the horrors and hardships of war, but only the thought that the debt which it left behind will bear on them throughout their lifetime. To such a class repudiation pure and simple has an undeniably superficial attraction.
On the other hand, however, it is not unreasonable to hope that if strong leaders with a strong program could be evolved from the present welter a large part of those who, as indicated above, have recklessly voted the National Socialist ticket would be glad to return to safer and saner ground, and it is also to be hoped that the young element [Page 79] to which I have alluded may become more balanced with increasing maturity.
To sum up: there is no doubt that last Sunday’s vote was another overpowering example of Germany’s lack of political education and wisdom and a body-blow to the republican form of government, and it is a clear indication of the, in my opinion, dangerous mentality at present possessed by a large proportion of the population. However, there have been so many occasions in the past ten years when republican institutions have been brought to a precarious pass and the country’s course of conduct has been fraught with danger from both a domestic and foreign point of view, that even these latest ominous developments may still be appraised with less alarm than if they constituted an entirely new phenomenon. The body-blow is not necessarily a knock-out blow, but the fact remains that some thirteen odd million Germans have by their votes declared their hostility to the present republican form of government. The danger is clearly there, and cannot lightly be overlooked or explained away as some elements—including certain official circles—seem to be evincing a not unnatural tendency to do; but yet a way remains open for all sincere supporters of the Republic to make common cause against this danger. If at such a juncture as this they fail to sink their personal and doctrinal differences, then indeed a serious situation will present itself.
Respectfully yours,