45. Memorandum From the Deputy Director of the United States Information Agency (Wilson) to the President’s Special Assistant (Moyers)1

SUBJECT

  • Reaction to the President’s European Address

Editorial reaction to the President’s European address2 is generally favorable in West Germany, Italy, and Great Britain and mixed in France. British reaction is most often concerned with the President’s warning on “narrow nationalism” which the press interprets as directed against De Gaulle.

Some editors focus positively on the President’s call for Atlantic unity but with emphasis on national angles. German papers underscore [Page 131] passages referring to the German problem. In France the Gaullist3 papers are naturally most critical, although even such an elite paper as Le Monde, generally not uncritical of De Gaulle, is as censorious of the U.S. as of the French government. Le Monde declares that the address may “foreshadow a relaunching of the United States’ European policy.” The paper also says that the address was a document “reflecting very faithfully the ways and thinking of American leaders, the style of their reasoning and the logic of their convictions.” An editorial in the same paper is more outspoken in its criticism of the U.S. when it charged that “the stubbornness of the U.S. in wishing to obtain support it demands is as ridiculous as that of French stubbornness which refuses it.”

Two of the leading pro-American French papers took a far more positive attitude in their coverage of the address. Both moderate-conservative Le Figaro and rightist L’Aurore stress that the President had spoken out against “narrow nationalism.” Figaro coverage is factual although its Washington correspondent found much of the speech “inspired” by the declarations of De Gaulle.

L’Aurore, on the other hand, urges Atlantic cooperation and U.S. friendship when it writes: “Under the protection of this [U.S.] power, we were able to live and to recover. . . . Many Frenchmen are stupified to see French-American friendship threatened. Many Frenchmen remember, and read with joy the words of President Johnson on narrow nationalism which threatens to demolish the Atlantic Alliance and to turn us back to the anguish of twenty years ago.”

Mass-circulation France-Soir, largest of the French dailies and moderately Gaullist, remarks that “for the moment President Johnson is not attacking De Gaulle directly, but in his present state of mind he will certainly do so if criticism continues from Paris with the same virulence.”

West German comments are overwhelmingly favorable and centered on the President’s remarks on German affairs. Among the leading papers center-left Suddeutsche Zeitung states that the “address assumes an importance of its own among the appeals and speeches devoted to the 8th of May. . . . Johnson draws lessons from the follies of the past and the most fundamental of these is a strict rebuff to the idea of isolationism. Instead, stress is laid on partnership, primarily partnership with Europe . . . Johnson coined a new term in speaking about “Atlantic Civilization.’” The moderate-conservative Frankfurter Allgeimeine Zeitung headlines: “Johnson—Reunification as a Pressing Problem.” Independent Stuttgart Zeitung emphasizes: “Johnson Endorses [Page 132] Reunification” and the center-oriented General Anzeiger, Bonn, headlines: “Johnson—Free Elections For All Germans.” The opposition Frankfurter Rundschau, similar to the Suddeutsche Zeitung quoted above, notices above all in the President’s address a “rebuff to European nationalism.”

West Berlin papers focus on the remark that “the shame of the East Zone must end.” The independent Spandauer Volksblatt, in addition, notes the President’s call for improved relations and trade with Eastern Europe.

In Italy, the appeal for Atlantic unity is particularly stressed. Typical of comment in the editorial in liberal La Stampa (one of Italy’s leading papers) which says: “In substance, Johnson has reverted to the essential outlines of the grand design of President Kennedy, to wit an Atlantic community linked by a common history and civilization, with even closer relations. . .” Calling the speech of fundamental importance, the paper continues: “The U.S. does not believe in nationalism but works toward closer and deeper interdependence in the Atlantic Community.”

Moderate-right Il Tempo’s editorial is equally laudatory when it praises the President for employing language “of truth, with the lofty force of a leader who sees in the world responsibilities entrusted to him, the stimulus to work not for peace at all costs, but for peace with freedom. The aim of the speech so full of wise and realistic warnings is the relaunching of the Atlantic Alliance; many people in Europe hope that his appeal will be listened to, especially in Paris.”

British comments most often single out, as the salient point of the speech, the implied admonition of Gaullist nationalism. The liberal Guardian headlines: “LBJ Condemns Gaullist Doctrine” and the conservative Daily Telegraph carries a headline: “Johnson Asks Europe to Ignore De Gaulle.” The conservative Daily Mail declares this was the first major speech on European affairs by the President since his inauguration. The paper adds that “never before has he spoken with such force to condemn France’s policies.” The independent Scotsman remarks that while the President “did not say anything new . . . what he had to say was both timely and reassuring.” The paper says that evidently “Europe was not forgotten” in spite of U.S. preoccupation with Vietnam and the Caribbean.”

Sharp criticism of the publicity angle of the address was contained in the highly respected Daily Telegraph which carried a column from its Washington correspondent titled “Misgivings Over Early Bird Speech”: “President Johnson has set a cat among the diplomatic pigeons by this Early Bird televised speech. . . . No European government was notified in advance. Technicians were only given a few hours’ notice. Before Early Bird . . . an American President could speak ‘live’ on a European [Page 133] network only by being in that continent. Protocol would demand that he give his host government reasonable notice and let it see the text of the speech in advance. . .”

Donald M. Wilson4
  1. Source: National Archives, RG 306, Director’s Files: 1962–1965, Entry UD WW 191, Box 12, IAE Director’s Office, 1965. No classification marking. Drafted in IRS; edited by Wilson. Copies were sent to Bundy and Klein. All brackets are in the original.
  2. On May 7, the President delivered remarks from the White House Theater on the 20th Anniversary of V-E Day. For text, see Public Papers: Johnson, 1965, Book I, pp. 506–509.
  3. Reference is to a supporter of France’s President de Gaulle.
  4. Printed from a copy that bears this typed signature.