Mr. Powell to Mr. Hay.
Part au Prince , May 17, 1902 .
Sir: I have the honor to state to the Department that events within the past week have moved very rapidly. Since the date of my arrival, May 11, General Sam, the President, has resigned his office, the people have compelled both Chambers (Senate and House of Deputies) to close before they could elect a President to take the place of General Sam, who has left the country to reside in the future in France; and lastly, have compelled the late cabinet to seek asylum at the several legations, and have also selected a committee, styled a “committee of safety,” in each city of the Republic to protect the various interests therein, such committee to form a central committee, who are to elect a provisional government, who in their turn are to order elections for members of the House of Deputies, who will elect the members of the Senate, and both Houses will thereafter elect the President. At the present moment the Republic is without an executive and a legislative branch of the Government, except the committee above named; yet one arriving here would scarcely believe that a violent revolution had occurred, a government driven from power, almost, one might say, without bloodshed. So quietly has this been done that business has resumed its normal functions.
I will briefly give to the Department a detailed report of these events as they have occurred. While the climax was rapid, the events leading to it were slow. In order that the Department may be fully aware of this condition of affairs, it is necessary to state that General Sam was elected President April 1,1896, by the National Chamber upon the sudden death of General Hypolite. At the time he was elected Congress enacted a law requiring him to enter upon the duties of the Presidential office at once, and to remain in office until May 15, 1903.
This law, it seems now, was not constitutional, as the constitution states:
That upon the death, resignation, malfeasance in office, or removal therefrom of the President before the 15th of May (in any year) the cabinet or council of ministers is charged with these functions until the 15th of May, when the newly elected President shall assume the duties of the Presidency; but if a President should accept office or enter upon the duties of the same prior to this time (15th of May), then his term of office must expire on the 15th of May of the year preceding the time that it actually expired, thus not allowing the incumbent to remain in office the full seven years, the time for which he was elected.
For some reason this provision of the constitution was not thought of, or else forgotten, at the time General Sam was elected. No mention was made of this section until about a year ago, when the question was launched upon the public view by the enemies of the Government. The more this question was discussed the more potent it became, until it occupied the attention of all classes to the exclusion of all other matters. At the time this law was enacted by Congress, defining when President Sam should enter upon his duties and also when his term should end, it was considered valid. Owing to the absence of a provision in the constitution to provide for a supreme court before whom such matters could be decided, it was thought that Congress could act as such court. According to the time of General Sam’s election his term would have expired April 1, 1903; and if he had remained in office until the 15th of May of that year, he would have [Page 590] remained in office forty-five days beyond the time for which he was elected; but, according to the present action of those opposed to him, his term has been abridged ten months and fifteen days. The several political arrests and the exile of many persons within the past two years have been on account of this discussion, they demanding that this article of the constitution should be literally followed, the Government, on its part, believing that in the arrest and exile of all such persons all discussions and agitation of this matter would cease. But this rigor on the part of the Government produced, instead of friends, enemies, who were daily gaining strength, finally, as has been seen, overpowering the President and both Houses of Congress.
At the several interviews I had with the President up to the time I left for Santo Domingo (February 10) he stated that it was his intention to remain in office until he had finished his term (to May 15, 1903) and that he would not resign or cease to be President prior to that time. He had also impressed this fact upon the members of his cabinet up to May 1 of the present year, when it was learned that it was his intention to resign at an early day.
The first dissatisfaction on the part of the people toward the Government was caused by the course pursued by the President in the late elections for members of the House of Deputies, held in January last, by what they termed unwarranted interference on the part of the Government in the elections. It is said in many places where elections were held that only those were allowed to vote who would promise to cast their votes in favor of the Government’s candidate. Those who would not so promise could not vote. In other cases when the opposing candidate received a majority or a plurality his election was set aside and some one else named in his place. If anyone maintained such action to be illegal, they were either arrested or exiled.
As the time for the meeting of the Chambers approached the interest in regard to this matter was quickened and the discussions of it became more violent. When the Chambers finally opened an effort was made to have both Chambers proceed to an election at an early day. This question was put off from day to day until Monday, May 12, was finally agreed upon.
There were many candidates for this honor. Among the number were C. Fouchard, a minister of finance in General Salomon’s cabinet and exiled by President Sam about two years ago; Solon Ménos, a former secretary of state for foreign relations in General Sam’s cabinet, who is better known on account of the “Luders incident,” and Senéque Pierre, an old senator. These men represented the south, from which section it is claimed the next President should come, as the north had held this office for two consecutive terms. The other candidates were from the north. They are Hon. A. Firmin, the present Haitian minister to France and a former secretary of foreign relations in President Sam’s cabinet; Hon. Alexis Nord, a governor of one of the northern provinces; Gen. Tancred August, secretary of public works; Vibrum Guillaume, secretary of war, and Gen. C. Leconte, secretary of agriculture.
It was supposed that the latter, in case the President, General Sam, should resign, would be the governmental candidate. It was also stated that he was supported by the leading German commercial and banking interests of this capital. * * * In return he was to grant to them certain commercial favors, was not to favor a renewal of the present [Page 591] commercial treaty with France, and was to grant to the German Government some place near the Mole St. Nicolas for a coaling station. The latter statement, though, was not true, but it is supposed that certain arrangements were made with the agents of the Hamburg-American Steamship Company by which in case General Leconte should be elected he would favor granting to them a place in the vicinity of the Mole to store coal. * * * He was also to grant this interest special concessions in reference to certain mineral lands, which are thought to be very rich, and which would give to them almost exclusive control of such lands. The agents of this house, as I have stated, are Germans and, it is said, supplied him (Leconte) with money to a large amount. By some means his opponents secured a copy of the proposed agreement and published the same in one of the daily papers. The next day after it appeared Leconte and the members of this firm published a denial that such an agreement was made, but the people in general believed the denial to be untrue. This embittered all classes against Leconte, as nearly every Haitian not married to a German has a bitter feeling against this nation on account of the Luders incident.
The President, being made acquainted with these facts, endeavored to secure the election of his brother-in-law, Gen. Maxime Monplaisir. This the people opposed, as it continued the office of the Presidency in one family. In the meantime Mr. Firmin arrived from Paris on “leave of absence,” and his partisans actively began a canvass in his favor. He is supposed to have a strong leaning toward the French Government, and it is claimed that the present French minister is strongly in his favor, while the German chargé d’affaires is as strongly opposed to him. Such was the course of events up to the time of my arrival, on May 11, from Santo Domingo.
I was requested to see the minister of foreign relations, Mr. St. Victor, to acquaint myself with the existing state of affairs at once as I might not be able to see him the following day, as the state of affairs was grave. Though it was Sunday, I secured an audience. From the result of this interview it was thought best that I should see General Sam early the next morning before he communicated with Congress. I secured an interview and was informed that he had determined to resign, that his resignation was ready to be sent to Congress, that he was tired of this constant agitation, and that he would leave by the French steamer then in port for France, where he would pass the remainder of his life in quietness and peace; that since it was the wish of the people to have a new President he would not oppose them, but would abide by article 93 of the national constitution, and if the chambers did not elect a President to-day, Monday, the country would be without a President.
After my interview another cabinet meeting was held, in which the subject-matter of his resignation was again discussed, after which it was forwarded to the chambers. After the determination that the President would resign, Minister Leconte felt certain that he would be elected, as he had sufficient votes pledged in both houses to elect him. This news spread rapidly, the streets became full of armed citizens wending their way toward the chambers to prevent, forcibly if necessary, his election. At first it was difficult to get the members together. The streets in the neighborhood of the legislative halls were thronged with people and the Government troops, the latter to protect the members in case of violence. Several secret meetings of [Page 592] the members were held. At last the doors were opened, and as soon as opened every available space not occupied by the members of the two houses were filled by the friends and foes of General Leconte. As the balloting was about to commence some one in the chambers fired his revolver. In an instant shooting commenced from all parts of the room. One or two were killed and the same number wounded. The members all sought shelter in the most available places they could find—under benches or desks. Others forgot the way they entered and sought exit by means of the windows. By this means the populace prevented the election of General Leconte, forcibly adjourned the chambers without date, and dispersed the members of both chambers. The Government troops immediately retired to the palace, the arsenal, the barracks, or the arrondissement, as it was thought that an attack would be immediately made on each place.
A committee of safety was at once formed to safeguard the interests of the city, and a£ the news reached the other cities of the Republic similar committees were named with like duties. The next object was to secure the palace, arsenal, and the Government buildings. A concerted attack was made on each of the above places at 10 p.m., lasting about twenty minutes, in which the Government troops were the victors. It is supposed that in these engagements about one hundred persons were either killed or wounded.
The next morning (Tuesday) at 6 o’clock the President sent one of his aids to our legation and requested my presence as soon as possible at the palace. I returned word that I would go at once. On my arrival he informed me of the events of the previous night; that all of the ministers had come to the palace the previous night for safety; that he would place himself and cabinet under my care as the dean of the diplomatic corps; that he would like to leave with Mrs. Sam that morning for the steamer, and requested the diplomatic corps to accompany him from the palace to the steamer at 11 a.m. On my return to my legation I requested the members of the diplomatic corps to meet at 9 a.m. All were present with the exception of Mr. Cohen, the English charge, who could not be reached in time as he lives some distance from the city. I made known to them the President’s request and all agreed to go in a body to the palace and from there to the steamer, and that they would meet at our legation at 10.30 a.m. I then sent word to ex President Boisrond Canal, chairman of the committee, of the intention of the diplomatic corps, and requested that he would at once take measures to prevent any disturbance on the streets on our going through them to the wharf where we were to take boats to the steamer. He returned to us an answer that he would take the necessary steps at our request.
Arriving at the palace we found the President and Mrs. Sam impatiently awaiting us. We at once took carriages, Mr. Deprez and myself accompanying the President in his carriage, the German minister, Count Hacke, having Minister Leconte in his carriage, and the Dominican minister in my carriage with General Defly, all the carriages being surrounded by a strong armed mounted guard. While the streets were crowded, no attempt was made to molest us. On the contrary, nearly all paid due deference and respect to the late chief of state. When we left the palace all the members of the cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Leconte, who went with the President as far as the Cape, also left. Messrs. St. Victor and Auguste came to our [Page 593] legation, the others going to the French legation, where they are at the present time, except Minister Leconte, who left on the same steamer with the President, and the minister of finance, Mr. Faine, who is at the French Seminary. On the departure of the President, Admiral Killick, with the two Haitian gunboats, after saluting the President, left for the Cape, it is said, to join the Firmin side.
On my return from the steamer I received a communication from the chairman of the committee of safety, Mr. Boisrond Canal, informing me of the formation of this committee, and the next morning another communication, stating that his committee desired the names of those Haitians who were domiciled with us. A similar communication was also sent to the other members of the diplomatic corps. Upon the receipt of this communication the diplomatic corps was again convoked. It was decided at this meeting that we should take no steps to recognize this committee as a political body, but simply to acknowledge the receipt of this note with thanks. It was also thought best that even this expression should not be conveyed in writing to the committee, so this message was sent to them through the deputy United States consul, Mr. Alex. Battiste, who delivered it orally. We also stated that we were accredited to a government and not to a committee. Our message was received with regret as they counted upon recognition by us. This we could not grant as the committee was looked upon by all as a self-constituted body, having limited and local functions.
Another attack was made on the palace and arsenal on Thursday, May 15, by some hot-headed individuals, but, as on the former occasion, they were repulsed. For a time this unexpected movement created great uneasiness. What is to be most feared is the danger arising from fire. As the town consists mainly of wooden structures a fire once commenced will sweep the city, then will come the uprising of the lower class to loot and pillage; if prevented, then bloodshed. Happily the committee seems to have the confidence of the masses and have full control of the situation. All persons are giving assistance to them in their arduous task. The streets are fully patrolled at night; everyone passing through them has to give an account where he is going, if he refuses he is placed in prison at once. In many respects the city is better governed without an organized government than with one, as there has not been the least disorder or attempts to rob since the committee has charged itself with such matters. In fact, in this trying situation the people are giving a splendid exhibition of self-government, for which all praise should be given them. Aside from the little affair, the attack on the palace Thursday night, stated above, all is quiet. The situation throughout the Republic is the same in both the large and small cities. I have been in telegraphic correspondence with all our consular agents to-day, and they inform me that a like condition exists in their localities, but this state of affairs may change at any moment. If fire breaks out we are all doomed, as it will be impossible for this committee to control the maddened passions of the lower class when once aroused, and it will be very difficult to subdue them with the limited means in their power.
The commercial houses which have been closed during this trouble are resuming business. The custom-house and post-office, which were closed, are again open and the condition of affairs is assuming its normal tone. The political prisoners held in custody on the Haitian [Page 594] naval vessels and those held in prison have been released. Those who were in exile at Jamaica arrived this morning” causing some little excitement as among them were two of the presidential candidates, Messrs. Fouchard and Pierre.
The present condition of affairs is apt to exist for the next six weeks, and possibly longer, though it will be slightly bettered when a provisional government is established to take the place of this committee and to order and superintend the election of the members of the new Chamber of Deputies which is to elect the President—their first duty being to elect a new Senate, and both houses the President. So that no stable government can be established in less than two months and perhaps longer. During this time there will be no stable government and in the absence of such more or less danger is feared.
* * * * * * *
To-day I had a visit from one of the presidential aspirants who desired to know how our legation felt toward him. I informed him that we occupied a completely neutral position and would not favor any candidate; that this was a matter that concerned themselves and not us, and on which they would have to agree among themselves. I suggested to him that this matter should be brought to a speedy ending in order that they might secure as soon as possible a stable government, as by this means onfy could tranquillity be established. Later in the day I had a visit from a member of the committee of safety requesting me as dean of the diplomatic corps that we as a corps would request those at the several legations to leave by first opportunity. I informed him that Ave could not entertain his proposition for several reasons, some of which he had already received from us; another and more potent one was that under their constitution, article 93, these gentlemen, the secretaries of state, whom they requested of us to have leave the country, were the actual government at the present time. He admitted that we were right, but we informed him that the diplomatic corps would give to his committee all praise for the good order they had maintained in the city since the departure of the President. He left us perfectly satisfied.
I have, etc.,