Office of the Historian

No. 221.
Sir Edward Thornton to Mr. Evarts.

Washington, May 15, 1879. (Received May 16.)

Sir: In compliance with an instruction which I have received from the Marquis of Salisbury, I have the honor to transmit herewith copy of a report by Commander à Court, of Her Majesty’s ship Osprey, which has been received by his lordship from the lords commissioners of the admiralty, on the situation of the people of Sitka.

I have the honor, &c.,

EDW’D THORNTON.

Commander à Court reporting proceedings.

Her Majesty’s Ship Osprey,
Sitka, March 10, 1879.

Sir: I have the honor to report proceedings since the date of my last letter, 18th February, 1879.

2.
Having decided to make the passage as far as Cape Decision by the inner channels, so as to insure smooth water, I requested the American consul to furnish me with an experienced pilot, and I left Esquimaut at noon On the 18th February.
3.
The next morning, in consequence of thick blinding snow storms I was compelled to anchor on Oyster Bank till the afternoon; when I weighed and proceeded through the Seymour Narrows, and had to anchor again in Plumper Bay that evening for the same reason.
4.
I left at half past four the next morning, and had to anchor again in the afternoon in Alert Bay; where I remained until half past seven the next morning.
5.
The same afternoon I had to anchor in Safety Cove. I left the next morning at four o’clock, and had to anchor again in the afternoon in Carter’s Bay, which I left again at seven o’clock next morning, the 23d, and continued the voyage till the afternoon of the 24th.
6.
On the afternoon of the 24th I anchored in Ward’s Cove, a secure anchorage in Rivella Cigebo Channel (not marked in the chart). I weighed the next morning, but was compelled to anchor in the afternoon in Port Protection.
7.
I attempted to leave the next day, but, in consequence of a strong wind and heavy sea, had to remain at anchor till the morning of the 28th, when I weighed and arrived off the entrance to Sitka Sound in the evening, and anchored in the harbor the next morning.
8.
During the whole passage very boisterous and thick weather with blinding snow storms were encountered, delaying the voyage and rendering the navigation dangerous.
9.
I inclose a report of the state of affairs at Sitka.
10.
The California arrived yesterday, but brought no further assistance nr intelligence from the United States Government, which is accounted for by the telegraph wires being out of order between Washington and Port Townsend. I therefore, for reasons stated in my report, consider it necessary that I should for the present remain here, for the protection of the people, until the man-of-war, that I believe has been dispatched from San Francisco, shall have arrived.
11.
The engineer in charge of the ship being in hospital at Esquimaut, leaving the ship with only one on board, and the passage requiring a good deal of hard steaming, before my departure I ordered Mr. White, jr., engineer of the Rocket, to be temporarily lent for duty to this ship.

I have, &c.,

H. HOLMES à COURT,
Commander.

Rear-Admiral A. F. R. de Horsey,
Commander-in-Chief, Her Majesty’s Ship Triumph.

[Inclosure 2.]

Report of Commander à Court on the situation of the people of Sitka.

Her Majesty’s Ship Osprey,
Sitka, March 10, 1879.

While the garrison remained at Sitka the Indians were kept in check by authority, and the place was in a state-of defense, there being a strong stockade between the Indian village and the town. The troops were withdrawn in June, 1877, and with them disappeared all vestige of power. Since that time the Indians have been growing more and more turbulent and troublesome, and more excessive and extravagant in their demands on the white people. They tore down a great part of the stockade and carried off the wood. The government buildings were despoiled of everything valuable, and some torn to pieces for sake of the lumber. The citizens were subjected to insolence, the Indians making no scruple of saying that the United States Government did not care for Sitka, that it was left to them, and that they should do as they liked. This ill feeling has been steadily increasing, and the following circumstances have, I think, brought matters to their present state:

2.
Towards the end of last year an Indian who had been on a long debauch forced himself into a miner’s room, and finding soma whisky drank himself into a stupor from which he never recovered, dying that night. The miner was held responsible for his life, under their system of retaliation, by demand of money compensation, and $2,000 were demanded. The miner fearing that trouble might come on the whole town, as they threatened to take the lives of two white men if their demand was not satisfied, offered them (in the absence of the collector of customs) $250, which was accepted and paid. I am given to understand that there have been several minor cases of blackmailing.
3.
About the 1st of January an American citizen called Thomas J. Brown, who kept a kind of hotel at the Hot Sulphur Springs, about twelve miles distant, was found murdered in his house. The murderers (two) were known, and the chiefs were informed that unless they were given up they would be held responsible. They were given up and sent to Portland for trial.
4.
At this time it became known that a young man who had recently succeeded to the position of chief or head of the family was getting very violent in his threats of retaliation in case of the arrest of these men; that he was using all his influence to [Page 494] excite his relations and others to join him in an attack on the town for the purpose of insuring their release, sacking the place, and murdering the inhabitants, holding out as an inducement that they could get enough of plunder in the town to enable them to live three or four years in the mountains, and that it would be better to let their houses go and have their revenge on the white man.
5.
On the 24th of January another pretext for exciting trouble was brought forward. In July, 1878, five out of six Indians who had shipped in a schooner trading to the western waters were, with the captain and mate, drowned through the swamping of a boat.
6.
On becoming aware of this a deputation called on the collector and demanded payment for their lives, stating that they were relatives of the deceased, and that if money was not forthcoming “there would be a fuss.” This deputation was found out afterward to be an experimental embassy from the turbulent chief.
7.
A few days afterward he appeared to be satisfied; said that he had talked foolishly when drunk; admitted that the men who had killed Brown should be punished, and requested that they should be hung at once in front of the Indian village. He also stated that he had no claim for the lives of the Indians drowned, but asked the collector to try and get what wages were due to them, which the collector promised to do.
8.
All this time, however, he was endeavoring to incite his people to attempt a rescue; and the very night on which he made these protestations he assembled his clansmen, with as many more as he could induce to follow him, and in a large force and armed was proceeding in the execution of his threats, when he was met at the gate of the stockade by several of the friendly chiefs, who, after much persuasion, induced him to return, using as their strongest argument that the white men had heard of his intention and were prepared for him. This occurred on the 6th February.
9.
On the 9th of February the surviving Indian from the schooner arrived and told them that the master of the schooner had contracted with them for $5 a day if they would remain with him after the fall of 1877. This is evidently a mere pretext for blackmailing (the regular wages being only $13 a month). The chief has, however, given it out that he will not be satisfied with less, and that unless he is paid within a short time he will take it out of the Sitka stores, and that he is only waiting until the snow goes off a little to enforce his demands.
10.
After this he left the place, saying that he was going to Wrangel; but from information which admits little doubt it is certain that he has gone to the north to attempt to incite the various tribes of Indians settled there, with whom he has relatives by marriage, to join him for the sake of the plunder to be gained from the town, and it is estimated by the Indians, and also the people here, that, should he succeed, he would be able to bring at least fifteen war canoes, each holding twenty men, thus increasing his fighting power by 300 men.
11.
Sitka, from the nature of the ground, is composed of a number of straggling houses, those best adapted for defense being in the part of the town nearest the Indian village.
12.
The following is an extract from a report furnished me at my request by Colonel Ball, the collector of customs:
“Immediately adjoining the town and stretching along the shore to the westward lies the Indian village of 61 lodges or dwellings. These have an average occupation of 15 to 20 each, but a capacity of from 50 to 100. The population properly belonging to this village is just about 1,000, dwindling down to 500 or 600 in the summer time when the hunting parties are out, but in the winter frequently reaching 2,000 when the visitors from the northern tribes come in. Of the 1,000 Indians belonging here the male portion capable of bearing arms is variously estimated. They themselves fix it at 600, and there may be a preponderance of men owing to their girls having been sold or married off. It is certainly not less than 300 always present. Sitka is, moreover, the most northerly white settlement on this coast. It is 160 miles from Wrangel, with only monthly communication, as stated. To the northward, along the inner passages between the islands and as far as the head of Chilcaht Bay, are numerous other tribes, among them the Ahks, Tahkoos, Hootznoos, Chilcahts, Hoonahs, Cakes, Koyoos, Tahketats, Nitoushknis, Chilcoats, and others. These are distant from one to ten days’ run by canoes. There is a close relationship by frequent marriage between the Sitka Indians, and several of the most powerful of these, notably the Chilcahts, Cakes, Tahkoos, and Ahks. They number, in the opinion of the most intelligent Indian I know here, fully 8,000 men, and are fierce and warlike. I am sure of the accuracy of his means of knowledge, and I can imagine no motive for his misstatement under the circumstances which his information was given. Thus then has stood the situation here since the withdrawal of the troops. The total force of white men capable of bearing arms is 68, but the men who could be relied on to use them efficiently in case of outbreak will not reach 50. Distributed among these are 50 breech-loading United States Springfield rifles (an excellent arm), and ammunition. There ai’3 also a few Winchester rifles and other arms. The Indians belonging here outnumber us, as we have seen, our effective fighting force, six to one, with friendly reserves [Page 495] of thousands to draw from in case of trouble once begun or decided on, and that it has been gradually culminating ever since the withdrawal of the troops I am firmly persuaded.”
13.
The white population of Sitka is estimated at about 320 whites, about 250 being Russian born subjects who have become United States citizens, the remainder being, with few exceptions, born citizens of the United States.
14.
From the above causes, viz, the straggling nature of the town, the proximity of the Indian village, the preponderance of fighting power in favor of the Indians, which, should this chief be successful in his endeavors, would be increased to about twelve to one, the absence of the stockade, and the fact that the castle, as it is called, which might be made impregnable to any assault from the Indians (the only difficulty being the procuring of water) is out of repair, convince me that an attack made quickly and silently and with any system of organization would result in the destruction of a large portion of the women and children before they could be placed in safety, unless timely notice had been received.
15.
This I believe to have been the state of affairs when the inhabitants, finding their situation insupportable, decided to appeal to the captain of any of Her Majesty’s ships at Esquimaut for immediate assistance, as being the nearest port where a man-of-war of any nation is stationed.
16.
On my arrival at Sitka, which, from bad and thick weather, was delayed until the 1st March, I found the inhabitants in a state of great anxiety and alarm, the chief being expected back, by the computation of the Indians, the next day, when there is no doubt an immediate attack would have taken place, as he would either have to fight so as to allow his followers to gain their plunder or else pay them himself.
17.
I am inclined to think that this alarm has not been caused by any undue fear, but that the inhabitants were fully alive to the helplessness of their situation.
18.
The arrival of this ship changed the aspect of affairs. The fear of immediate attack passed away. The inhabitants were enabled to sleep in comparative safety and peace, and the tone and manner of the Indians changed.
19.
The chief has not returned, either because he is unable to stir up his relatives, or, what is more likely, he has been informed by his friends here of the presence of a man-of-war, and that, under the circumstances, he is not prepared either to fight or to pay them.
20.
On Sunday, the 2d of March, the revenue steamer Oliver Woolcot arrived from Port Townsend. The next day I met Captain Selden in the collector’s office, by appointment. After talking the matter over, they both expressed so strong an opinion (in which I fully concurred), that the Oliver Woolcot alone was inadequate for the defense of the place, and that if I left affairs would assume their former state, that I decided to remain, at least until the arrival of the California, by which ship I was in hope some further assistance would be sent.
21.
My reason for arriving at the conclusion that the Oliver Woolcot is insufficient for the protection of the inhabitants is that, although she would be able to destroy the Indian village (carrying three 24-pounders), yet, in consequence of the small number of their crew (in all, I believe, 30), she would be unable to afford any material assistance for the protection of the women and children, or to check the Indians in sacking the town. I also am of opinion that the destruction of the Indian village is a matter that admits of question, as there are a great number of friendly Indians who have lodges and property there, the destroying of which, and probably the loss of some of their lives, would tend to make them cast in their lot with the others, even if the threats or persuasion of their relatives had not compelled, or their love of plunder induced them to do so previously.
22.
The Indians are fully aware of the weakness of the Oliver Woolcot, and on her arrival openly said that they were not afraid of her.
23.
In conclusion, I beg to state, that I feel certain that the presence of the Oliver Woolcot and this ship has averted a serious calamity, and that it is my firm conviction that nothing but permanent protection and some sort of government having authority will enable the white people to live here without molestation from the Indians, to carry on their trade and develop the resources of the country, and, if I may venture to do so, without being thought presumptuous, I would suggest that the protection should take the form of a man-of-war in preference to troops (although they might be combined with advantage), as, being movable, a ship could at various times visit the numerous tribes and villages scattered along the coasts, and also be usefully employed in surveying the inner channels, of which little is known at present.

H. HOLMES À COURT,
Commander.

Rear-Admiral A. F. R. de Horsey,
Commander in Chief; Her Majesty’s Ship Triumph.