No. 325.
Mr. Maynard to Mr. Evarts.

No. 156.]

Sir: The Turco-Russian war has prevailed the last month, but with little change in the relative attitude of the two parties. Strategically, so far as we have information here, there has been but little advance on either side.

In European: Turkey the Danube continues to be the dividing line between the two armies. The Turks report the loss of two small ironclads upon the river. Little else seems to have occurred, except occasional cannonading from the opposite banks of the stream, with, no very serious results.

At the east of the Black Sea the Turks have captured Soukoum-Kaleh, a small Russian port in the Caucasus, As a military success, I judge it is of small importance. Politically, it is believed to have more significance. A general rising of the Caucasians is reported to have followed, and the Turks have been busy in forwarding for their use arms and material of war. The occasion was improved to decorate the Sultan with the title of Ghazi (the conqueror), a title given only on the capture of a city from the enemies of the faith. The Turkish papers of the 17th instant published a fetvah or decision of the Sheikh-ul-Islam awarding this title to his Imperial Majesty Abdul-Hamid II, basing the award upon the triumph of the Ottoman arms in, the capture of Sou-koum-Kaleh. The same evening, during the embarkation of troops sent to re-enforce the expedition to Soukoum-Kaleh, the governor of the imperial palace went aboard each steamer and read to them a proclamation from the Sultan dwelling upon the importance of the mission of deliverance confided to the force sent to Circassia for the succor of their brethren in the faith from a cruel and intolerant tyranny. The proclamation, we are told, was received by the troops with the utmost enthusiasm and shouts of “Long live the Padishah.” The next day being Friday, His Majesty attended public worship at the mosque of St. Sophia, where, in the special prayer for the Sultan, the imaum, in pronouncing his imperial titles, added that of Ghazi, in conformity with the fetvah of the Sheikhul-Islam. It would be difficult to find an instance of a similar military achievement turned to better account.

Soon afterward, the news got abroad that the Russians had carried Ardahan, a strong post on the line between the fortresses of Kars and Batoum, its base of supplies. This produced great popular excitement in the Moslem population, and a violent demonstration of the softas. The latter occasioned the proclamation of the state of siege (Inclosure [Page 584] No. 4 with dispatch No. 155), and has been followed by the arrest of many of their number, who have been sent into exile. Rumors have circulated that Ardahan has been retaken, but they are not confirmed.

Except the fall of Soukoum Kaleh on the one side and of Ardahan on the other, neither belligerent appears to have gained much advantage in the Asiatic field.

When I wrote my dispatch of April 25, 1877, No. 147, I had not seen the Russian manifesto. It seems to have been prepared as early as April 19, in the form of a circular to the great powers, addressed by Prince Gortchakoff to the several ambassadors, and by them delivered on the 24th, simultaneously with the declaration of war and the forward movement of the Russian armies. A copy, with a translation, is inclosed.

All the powers, except Great Britain, appear to have accepted it as the logical result of events during the last two years, especially of the last six months. Great Britain, equally logical in her own conduct, meets it with an earnest protest, of which I inclose a copy, bearing date, it will be seen, the 1st of May, instant, just one week after receiving the Russian manifesto. I have had occasion more than once in these dispatches to refer to the want of accord on the part of Great Britain with the other powers in their Eastern policy; to her hesitation in joining the consular mission of August, 1875, to the insurgents of Bosnia and the Herzegovina, and in adhering to the Andrassy note of December 30,1875, and her refusal to co-operate in the policy of the so-called Berlin memorandum of May, 1876 (No. 89, August 10 1876);* to her possibly divided counsels in the conference of December last (No. 113, December 26, 1876, and No. 126, January 30, 1877); to the cautionary declaration of the Earl of Derby before signing the Protocol of March 31, 1877 (No. 147, April 25, 1877).

I have found myself unable to resist the conviction that, but for the apparently antagonistic attitude of Great Britain toward the other powers, and especially toward Russia, the war would have been averted, and there would have been a settlement of what is usually called the Eastern question—a euphemism, perhaps, for the polity to be pursued by Turkey, with the sanction of the other European powers. Let me not be understood to intimate any want of good faith or open dealing on the part of Her Majesty’s Government, or that any acts or declarations had an ulterior purpose, much less that there was any unavowed agreement with the Sublime Porte. Far from it. What I wish to express is, that Turkish statesmen, seeing the constant dissent I have referred to, and knowing the determination of united England to maintain at all hazards her manufacturing and commercial supremacy, believed that she would not be an indifferent spectator to a conflict which, on the one baud by subjecting Turkey, or any part of it, to the commercial policy of Russia, should endanger her best and most profitable customer; and on the other, by giving the great northern power access through the Turkish waters to the public seas, should create a troublesome rival, not to speak of imaginary perils to the Indian Empire. This belief encouraged them to reject the Berlin memorandum, the proposals of the conference, and the protocol even to the ultimate reason of war, secure beforehand of a vigorous moral support in Great Britain, and of a timely intervention, if necessary, to avert a final disaster.

A reply to the Russian manifesto has been published by the Sublime Porte in the form of a circular addressed by the Sultan to the several [Page 585] valis (governors-general) of the provinces, of which are inclosed translations in French and in English. The tone is much the same, it will be seen, as that of the reply of his excellency Safvet Pasha to the protocol of March 31, 1877.

Meanwhile diplomatic relations with the Sublime Porte have been resumed by Germany, Austria, Hungary, and Italy. On the 17th instant the Austrian-Lloyd’s steamer from Trieste brought with her passengers their excellencies Count Corti, the Italian envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary; Count Zichy, the Austro-Hungarian ambassador ) and the Prince Henry VII Reuss, who succeeds Baron Werther as the ambassador of Germany. Their reception was very impressive: only less so than that accorded to the new British ambassador on his arrival a month previous. Of all the signatory powers to the protocol, France alone has failed, up to this time, to renew the intercourse suspended at the close of the conference in January last. This may be due, probably is, to the recent changes in the French administration. Of course it is not intended to include Russia in this category. She broke her diplomatic relations simultaneously with the declaration of war.

I have, &c.,

HORACE MAYNAED.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 156.—Translation.]

the russian manifesto.

[Circular.]

M. L’Ambassadeur: The imperial cabinet has exhausted, since the commencement of the Eastern crisis, all the means in its power to bring about, with the concurrence of the great powers of Europe, a lasting pacification of Turkey.

All the propositions successively made to the Porte in consequence of the understanding established between the cabinets have met with an invincible resistance on its part.

The protocol signed in London on the 19th/31st March of this year was the last expression of the collective will of Europe.

The imperial cabinet had suggested it as a supreme effort of conciliation. It had made known, by the declaration bearing the same date and accompanying the protocol, the conditions which, if loyally accepted and performed by the Ottoman Government, might bring about the re-establishment and consolidation of peace.

The Porte has just answered by a fresh refusal. This eventuality had not been contemplated by the protocol of London. While it formulated the views and decisions of Europe, that document had confined itself to stipulating that in case the great powers were deceived in their hope of seeing the Porte apply energetically the measures destined to afford to the condition of the Christian populations the improvement unanimously called for as indispensable to the tranquillity of Europe, they reserved to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they might deem best fitted to secure the well-being of those populations and the interests of the general peace.

Thus the cabinets had foreseen the case of the Porte not fulfilling the promises it might have made, but not that of its rejecting the demands of Europe.

At the same time the declaration made by Lord Derby at the time of signing the protocol stated that as the government of Her Britannic Majesty had consented to the signature of that act only in view of the interests of the general peace, it was to be understood beforehand that in the event of the proposed object not being attained—namely, reciprocal disarmament and peace between Russia and Turkey—the protocol should be regarded as null and void.

The refusal of the Porte and the reasons on which it is founded leave no hope of deference on its part to the wishes and counsels of Europe, and no guarantee for the application of the reforms suggested for the improvement of the condition of the Christian populations. They render impossible peace with Montenegro and the performance [Page 586] of the conditions which might bring about disarmament and pacification. In these circumstances, every chance is closed for efforts of conciliation. There remains no alternative but to allow the state of things to continue which the powers have declared incompatible with their interests and those of Europe in general, or else to seek to obtain by coercion what the unanimous efforts of the cabinets have not succeeded in obtaining from the Porte by persuasion.

Our august master has resolved to undertake this work, which His Majesty had invited the great powers to pursue in common with him. He has given his armies the order to cross the frontiers of Turkey. You will make known this resolution to the government to which you are accredited.

In assuming this task, our august master fulfills duties imposed upon him by the interests of Russia, whose peaceful development is hindered by the permanent disturbances of the East. His imperial Majesty has the conviction that he responds at the same time to the sentiments and interests of Europe.

Accept, &c.,

GORTCHAKOFF.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 156.]

england’s reply to russia—lord derby’s dispatch.

It has been telegraphed that the Earl of Derby, Her Majesty’s foreign secretary stated a few days ago in the House of Lords that the British reply to Prince Gortchakoff’s last circular, announcing that Russia had declared war, had been dispatched and that as soon as he received telegraphic intimation of the reply having been communicated to the Russian chancellor, he would lay the dispatch before Parliament and make it public. This has now been done, and we are enabled to give the following copy of the original text of this important document.

The Earl of Derby to Lord A. Loftus.

My Lord: I forwarded to your excellency in my dispatch of the 24th ultimo a copy of Prince Gortchakoff’s circular-dispatch of the 7-19th ultimo, announcing that the Emperor of Russia had given orders to his armies to cross the frontiers of Turkey. Her Majesty’s Government have received this communication with deep regret. They cannot accept the statements and conclusions with which Prince Gortchakoff has accompanied it as justifying the resolution thus taken. The protocol, to which her Majesty’s Government, at the instance of that of Russia, recently became parties, required from the Sultan no fresh guarantees for the reform of his administration. With a view of enabling Russia the better to abstain from isolated action, it affirmed the interest taken in common by the powers in the condition of the Christian populations of Turkey, It went on to declare that the powers would watch carefully the manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government were carried into effect, and that, should their hopes once more be disappointed, they reserved to themselves the right to consider in common the means which they might deem best fitted to secure the Well-being of the Christian populations and the interest of the general peace. To these declarations of the intentions of the powers the consent; of the Porte was not asked or required. The Porte, no doubt, has thought fit, unfortunately in the opinion of Her Majesty’s Government, to protest against the expressions in question as implying an encroachment on the Sultan’s sovereignty and independence. But while so doing, and while declaring that they cannot consider the protocol as having any binding character on Turkey, the Turkish Government have again affirmed their intention of carrying into execution the reforms already promised. Her Majesty’s Government cannot, therefore, admit, as is contended by Prince Gortchakoff, that the answer of the Porte removed all hope of deference on its part to the wishes and advice of Europe, and all security for the application of the suggested reforms. Nor are they of opinion that the terms of the note necessarily precluded the possibility of the conclusion of peace with Montenegro, or of the arrangement of mutual disarmament.

Her Majesty’s Government still believe that, with patience and moderation on both sides, these objects might hot improbably have been attained. Prince Gortchakoff, however, asserts that all opening is now closed for attempts at conciliation; that the Emperor has resolved to undertake the task of obtaining by coercion that which the [Page 587] unanimous efforts of all the powers have failed to obtain from the Porte by persuasion, and he expresses His Imperial Majesty’s conviction that this step is in accordance with the sentiments and’ the interests of Europe. It. cannot be expected that Her Majesty’s Government should agree in this view. They have not concealed their feeling that the presence of large Russian forces on the frontiers of Turkey, menacing its safety, rendering disarmament impossible, and exciting a feeling of apprehension and fanaticism among the Mussulman population, constituted a material obstacle to internal pacification and reform. They cannot believe that the entrance of those armies on Turkish soil will alleviate-the difficulty or improve the condition of the Christian population throughout the Sultan’s dominions. But the course on which the Russian Government has entered involves a graver and more serious consideration. It is in contravention of the stipulations of the treaty of Paris of March 30, 1856, by which Russia and the other signatory powers engaged, each on its own part, to respect the independence and the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In the conference of London of 1871, at the close of which the above stipulation, with others, was again confirmed, the Russian plenipotentiary, in common with those of the other powers, signed a declaration affirming it to be an essential principle of the law of nations that no power can liberate itself from the engagements of a treaty, nor modify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent of the contracting parties, by means of an amicable arrangement. In taking action against Turkey on his own part, and having recourse to arms without further consultation with his allies, the Emperor of Russia has separated himself from the European concert hitherto maintained, and has, at the same time, departed from the rule to which he himself had solemnly recorded his consent. It is impossible to foresee the consequences of such an act. Her Majesty’s Government would willingly have refrained from making any observations in regard to it; but as Prince Gortchakoff seems to assume, in a declaration addressed to all the governments of Europe, that Russia is acting in the interest of Great Britain and that of the other powers, they feel bound to state, in a manner equally formal and public, that the decision of the Russian Government is not one which can have their concurrence or approval.

I am, &c.,

DERBY.
[Inclosure 3 in No. 156]

the berlin memorandum.

Memorandum of a conference between the Emperors of Austria Hungary, Germany, and Russia, held in Berlin in May, 1876.

[Translation.]

The alarming tidings which come from Turkey are of a nature to impel the three cabinets to draw closer their intimacy.

The three imperial courts have deemed themselves called upon to concert amongst themselves measures for averting the dangers of the situation with the concurrence of the other great Christian powers.

It appears to them that the existing state of affairs in Turkey demands a double series of measures. It seems to them of primary importance that Europe should consider the general means necessary to guard against the recurrence of events similar to those which have recently taken place at Salonica, and the repetition of which is threatened at Smyrna and Constantinople. To effect this the great powers should, in their opinion, come to an understanding as to the measures to be taken to insure the safety of their own subjects and of the Christian inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire, at ail points where it may be found to be endangered.

It would appear possible to attain this end by a general agreement concerning dispatch of vessels of war to the menaced points, and by the adoption of combined instructions to the commanders of those vessels in cases where circumstances might require armed co-operation on their part with the object of maintaining order and tranquillity. Nevertheless this end would be but imperfectly attained if the primary cause of those disturbances were not removed by the prompt pacification of Bosnia and the Herzegovina.

The great powers have already united in this view upon the initiative taken in the dispatch of the 30th of December last, with the object of obtaining an effective amelioration in the condition of the populations of these countries without interfering with the political status quo. They demanded of the Porte a programme of reforms destined to answer this double purpose. The Porte, deferring to this demand, declared itself firmly resolved to execute these reforms, and communicated this officially to the [Page 588] cabinets. The latter thereby acquire a moral right, that of watching over the accomplishment, and an obligation, that of insisting that the insurgents and refugees should second this work of pacification by terminating the struggle and returning to their homes.

Nevertheless, this programme of pacification, though it has been adopted in principle by both parties, has encountered a twofold obstacle.

The insurgents have declared that past experience forbids them to trust the promises of the Porte without a positive material European guarantee.

The Porte, on its side, has declared that as long as the insurgents were scouring the country in arms, and the refugees did not return to their homes, it was materially impossible for it to proceed to the new organization of the country.

In the mean time hostilities have resumed their course. The agitation engendered by this strife of eight months has extended to other parts of Turkey. The Mussulman populations have been thereby led to conclude that the Porte had only apparently deferred to the diplomatic action of Europe, and that at heart it did not intend seriously to apply the promised reforms. Thence arose a revival of religious and political passions, which has contributed to cause the deplorable events of Salonica and the menacing overexcitement which manifests itself at other points of European Turkey.

Nor is it doubtful that in its turn this explosion of fanaticism reacts on men’s minds in Bosnia and Herzegovina as in the neighboring principalities.

For the Christians in these countries must have been keenly impressed by the fact of the massacre of the European consuls in open day, in a peace.ful town, under the eyes of powerless authorities; how then can they be induced to trust themselves to the goodwill of Turks irritated by a protracted and sanguinary struggle?

Were this state of affairs to be prolonged the risk would thus be incurred of seeing that general conflagration kindled which the mediation of the great powers was precisely intended to avert.

It is most essential, therefore, to establish certain guarantees of a nature to insure beyond doubt the loyal and full application of the measures agreed upon between the powers and the Porte. It is more than ever urgent to press the government of the Sultan to decide on setting itself seriously to work to fulfill the engagements it has contracted toward Europe.

As the first step in this direction the three imperial courts propose to insist with the Porte, with all the energy that the united voice of the three powers should possess, on a suspension of arms being effected for the term of two months. This interval would enable action to be brought to bear simultaneously on the insurgents and the refugees, to inspire them with confidence in the vigilant solicitude of Europe; on the neighboring principalities, to exhort them not to hinder this attempt at conciliation; and, finally, on the Ottoman Government, to place it in a position to carry out its promises. By this means the way might be opened for direct negotiations between the Porte and the Bosnian and Herzegovinian delegates, on the basis of the wishes the latter have formulated, and which have been deemed fit to serve as starting-points for a discussion.

These points are as follows:

1.
That materials for the reconstruction of dwelling-houses and churches should be furnished to the returned refugees; that their subsistence should be assured to them till they could support themselves by their own labor.
2.
In so far as the distribution of help should appertain to the Turkish commissioner, he should consult as to the measures to be taken with the mixed commission mentioned in the note of the 30th of December, to guarantee the bona fide application of the reforms and control their execution. This commission should be presided over by a Herzegovinian Christian, and be composed of natives faithfully representing the two religions of the country. They should be elected as soon as the armistice should have suspended hostilities.
3.
In order to avoid any collision, advice should be given at Constantinople to concentrate the Turkish troops, at least until excitement has subsided, on some points to be agreed upon.
4.
Christians as well as Mussulmans should retain their arms.
5.
The consuls or delegates of the powers shall keep a watch over the application of the reforms in general, and on the steps relative to the repatriation in particular.

If, with the friendly and cordial support of the great powers, and by the help of an armistice, an arrangement could be concluded on these bases, and be set in train immediately by the return of the refugees and the election of the mixed commission, a considerable step would be made toward pacification.

If, however, the armistice were to expire without the efforts of the powers being successful in attaining the end they have in view, the three imperial courts are of opinion that it would become necessary to supplement their diplomatic action by the sanction of an agreement with a view to such efficacious measures as might appear to be demanded, in the interest of general peace, to check the evil and prevent its development.

[Page 589]
[Inclosure 4 in No. 156.]

The Earl of Derby to Lord Odo Russell.

lord derby’s reply to the berlin memorandum.

My Lord: Her Majesty’s Government have had under their consideration the memrandum of which a copy was inclosed in your dispatch of the 13th instant, containing he proposals of the Governments of Austria, Germany, and Russia for the pacification of the Herzegovina and Bosnia.

These proposals had been agreed upon by Count Andrásy, Prince Bismarck, and Prince Gortchakoff, at a meeting at Berlin, and your excellency was requested to communicate them to Her Majesty’s Government, with the hope that Her Majesty’s Government would accede to them, and express their opinion at once upon the telegraphic summary furnished by your excellency.

I informed your excellency on the 15th instant that it would be necessary for me to consult my colleagues, and that I could not give any reply until after the proposals of the three governments had been considered by the cabinet.

I have now to state to your excellency that Her Majesty’s Government regret to find themselves unable to co-operate in the policy which the three governments have invited them to pursue. Her Majesty’s Government appreciate the advantage of concerted action by the powers in all that relates to the questions arising out of the insurrection, but they cannot consent to join in proposals which they do not conscientiously believe likely to effect the pacification which all the powers desire to see attained.

The proposals contained in the memorandum are directed to pressing upon the Porte the establishment of an armistice for two months, with a view to direct negotiations between the Porte and the delegates of the insurgents on the basis of the wishes which the latter have expressed, and which have been thought fit to serve as points of departure for discussion.

In the first place, it appears to Her Majesty’s Government that they would not be justified in insisting upon the Porte consenting to an armistice, without knowing whether the military situation admitted of its being established without prejudice to the Turkish Government, and without rendering necessary the exercise of greater efforts on the renewal of the campaign, and a consequent prolongation of the struggle. Moreover, the faithful observance of the armistice by both sides would have to be secured, since the Porte could not well be called upon to suspend operations against the insurgents while the insurrection was receiving support from Servia and Montenegro, and the insurgents strengthening their position, and recruiting their forces, and obtaining arms and supplies. The mere fact of the insurrection remaining unsuppressed would be likely to give it additional vitality, and the result of an armistice might, therefore, be to lead to a rejection of any demands which the Porte might fairly be expected to concede, and thus hinder rather than advance the prospects of pacification.

At the same time Her Majesty’s Government would not advise the Porte against acceding to an armistice should the Turkish Government consider that the political and military position admitted of it, and its result would be likely to be beneficial,, although, in view of the objections which I have mentioned, and others of a similar character which will readily occur to your excellency, Her Majesty’s Government do not feel justified in recommending it to the Porte, still less in insisting upon its acceptance.

In my dispatch of the 15th instant I have informed your excellency of some of the objections which I stated to Count Münster had occurred to me in regard to the five points which were proposed as a basis for negotiation between the Porte and the insurgents. A further consideration of the proposals has not led to any modification of the opinion I then expressed.

Her Majesty’s Government doubt whether the Porte has the means of providing for the reconstruction of the houses and churches of the insurgents, or of finding subsistence for the returning refugees. If Her Majesty’s Government are rightly informed, the cost would be very heavy, and the Porte has not the requisite funds at its disposal.

The distribution of relief by such a commission as is contemplated would be little better than a system of indiscriminate alms-giving. It would probably be beyond the power of the Porte to adopt, and, if adopted, would prove utterly demoralizing to any country.

Her Majesty’s Government do not mean to say that the Porte would not be wise in affording any practical facilities and inducements for the return of the population who have quitted or been driven from their homes owing to the insurrection, but they do not consider that they can urge upon the Porte to undertake engagements the observance of which would be beyond its power.

[Page 590]

The concentration of the Turkish troops in certain places would be delivering up the whole country to anarchy, particularly when the insurgents are to retain their arms.

The consular supervision would reduce the authority of the Sultan to a nullity; and, without force to support it, supervision would be impossible.

Even if there were any prospect of the Porte being willing and able to come to an arrangement with the insurgents on the basis proposed, which Her Majesty’s Government scarcely believe possible, the intimation with which the memorandum closes would render any such negotiation almost certainly abortive, for it could not be supposed that the insurgents would accept any terms of pacification from the Porte in face of the declaration that if the insurrection continued after the armistice the powers would intervene further.

Regarded in this light, the proposal of an armistice seems to Her Majesty’s Government to be illusory.

There is another point not referred to in your excellency’s telegraphic summary, but to which it is necessary for me to advert, viz, the proposal in the third paragraph of the memorandum that the powers should agree upon the measures to be taken by their respective naval forces for the safety of foreigners and of the Christian inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire at Salonica and other places where it might be threatened.

Her Majesty’s Government have already ordered that Her Majesty’s ship Swiftsure should proceed to Salonica, and that Admiral Drummond, with three other vessels of war, should go to Besika Bay, where he will be in ready communication with Her Majesty’s embassy, and an additional vessel of small size has been placed in attendance at Constantinople at Sir H. Elliot’s request. They have heard that other powers have reinforced their squadrons in Turkish waters, and that there is a considerable naval force assembled at Salonica.

Her Majesty’s Government do not doubt that the measures thus taken will have had a good effect in affording confidence to the subjects of Great Britain and other powers at Salonica and elsewhere; and they will readily give instructions to Admiral Drummond, and the captains of Her Majesty’s ships under his orders, to give any protection and assistance which may be necessary for the preservation of the lives and property of foreign subjects, should they unhappily be in immediate danger, either in concert with the commanding officers of the ships of the other powers or, in the absence of any such ships, on their own responsibility. Her Majesty’s Government do not, however, at present apprehend any necessity for such measures, and they are of opinion that care should be taken that the naval forces of foreign powers are not employed in any manner contrary to the treaty-rights of the Porte or subversive of the Sultan’s authority.

Your excellency is authorized to read this dispatch to Prince Bismarck, and to leave a copy with his excellency, should he desire it.

I am, &c.,

DERBY.
[Inclosure 5 in No. 156.—Translation.]

the address of his majesty the sultan on the declaration of war.

* * * * * * *

The Russian Government has broken its relations with and declared war against us. From all sides the armies have invaded our frontier. Relying upon the aid and favor of God, the dispenser of victory in just causes, and upon the spiritual assistance of the Prophet, we see ourselves obliged to resort to arms.

As all our subjects very well know, the Russians, ever cherishing a spirit of ambition and of covetousness toward our states, have never ceased watching for an occasion to attack us.

The insurrection which broke out two years ago in Herzegovina, the fruit of the pernicious seed which they there sowed, served them as an instrument for kindling the flame of revolt among the Bulgarian inhabitants of the vilayets of the Danube and Adrianople, and likewise in Servia and Montenegro. Wholly creating these troubles among us, they have sought by calumnious accusations to render public opinion hostile to us. It is a matter of public notoriety that, animated with the most peaceful sentiments, we have never declined to listen to the counsels of the friendly powers.

But our enemy makes it appear the purpose he follows is nothing but the annihilation of our independence, our rights, and of our country itself, and he cannot be satisfied so long as he has not attained it. Finally, to-day he attacks us, contrary to right and with no legitimate motive.

The Supreme Judge, who protects right and justice, let us hope, will accord us victory and safety.

[Page 591]

By reason of this aggression of the enemy our state is placed in a difficult situation, which, as history attests, cannot be compared to any of the crises through which, until the present time, the country has passed.

Consequently, in my character as khalif and sovereign, I appeal to the union and the moral and material accord of all the children of the country, who, in the interest of their common right, of which, in this country, they enjoy full liberty, are in duty bound to place themselves on their guard against this enemy of liberty, who has smothered the language, the faith, and the religion of so many peoples who to-day groan under his oppression.

Since my accession to the throne my sole and principal care has been the liberty and prosperity of all the Osmanlis, and the preservation of our rights and our independence. The constitution that I have promulgated with this end is the incontestable proof of this. By way of retaliation I only demand of you fidelity and loyalty to your duty as subjects, and your concord and union for the preservation of the rights and the independence of the country.

Consequently, taking the example of your brother soldiers, who labored with courage and bravery, even to the sacrifice of their life, to safely guard the rights and honor of the Osmanlis against the aggression of the enemy, and believing that in everything your Sovereign is with you, it is incumbent upon you to be united and ready for sacrifices for the safety of the land, to never forget that you are all children of the same country, and to defend the wealth, the life, and the honor of your compatriots as you would defend your own property, life, and honor.

I ought to add, further, that the greatest honor in the world is for a man to love his country and to fulfill the duties which devolve upon him by reason of this love.

You will show to all that you can march in the steps of your fathers and your ancestors when the safety of the rights and the independence of the common country is concerned, and I trust you will be proud of each drop of blood our enemy, contrary to all right, compels us to spill for the preservation of our honor.

On the other hand, our enemy, pretending that the Mussulmans have certain bad intentions against their fellow-citizens professing other religions, puts forward the pretense of taking these citizens under his exclusive protection by declaring the imperial government responsible for every prejudicial act of the latter.

I am convinced that all faithful subjects, continuing to live together in perfect concord as brothers and compatriots will give a formal denial to this false idea.

Although at war with the power who has wished to bring reproach upon bur rights and independence, our relations with the other friendly powers have suffered no alteration.

I recommend to you, then, the people of’ these powers who may come into our states as travelers or as merchants. / You will give your attention to it that nothing the least prejudicial shall happen to them, and that everywhere they may enjoy the most perfect security.

You are requested to publish these presents to all mutessarifs and caïmacams of the sandjaks and cazas, to the mudirs and functionaries of the province, and to the whole population placed under your jurisdiction, and act in accordance.

  1. At the date of this dispatch the Berlin memorandum was inaccessible. I now inclose a copy, with a translation; also, the reply of the Earl of Derby, to supply an important page in this important chapter of Turkish history.