Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, Transmitted to Congress, With the Annual Message of the President, December 3, 1877

No. 322.
Mr. Maynard to Mr. Evarts.

Legation of the United States,
Constantinople, April 25, 1877. (Received June 15.)

No. 147.]

Sir: Recurring to my dispatch, No. 126, dated January 30, 1877, it is seen that the political relations between the Sublime Porte and the guaranteeing powers, parties to the treaty of Paris, are brought down to the dissolution of the conference and the subsequent departure of the several plenipotentiaries. As I then anticipated, the proceedings of the conference were laid before the British Parliament, and form a document, or blue-book, as they call it, of 380 pages. A copy may be procured from England at a trifling expense, and it is probably the most satisfactory attainable account of that remarkable diplomatic conclave. It was the Ottoman Empire on trial at the bar of civilization, and the result is the unanimous judgment of Christendom. That Turkey refuses to accept it, makes it no less a judgment, although it opens the question whether it is practicable or possible to enforce it.

After the close of the conference, the Sublime Porte set about negotiating peace with the revolted provinces of Servia and Montenegro. An armistice was agreed upon in the autumn, which from time to time had been prolonged, and still continued. With Servia, which had been seriously worsted in the conflict, terms were soon arranged, substantially upon the statu quo basis; and the former quasi-diplomatic relations have been renewed by a decree of Prince Milan re-establishing the political agency of his government at Constantinople.

Montenegro, on the other hand, thought, and quite naturally, that her military successes entitled her to make demands. Accordingly, her delegates were instructed to insist upon an extension of her boundaries so as to include the strong post of Niksitch, and also a harbor on the Adriatic convenient for her commerce. These demands were not admitted by the Sublime Porte, and were gradually reduced to the single and apparently not unreasonable condition of a harbor, however incommodious, by which her isolated mountains might communicate with the outside world. This condition was also rejected. The negotiations were broken off, the armistice expired and was not renewed, and hostilities were recommenced. It has been intimated that foreign powers intervened on the one side or the other, notably Russia on that of Montenegro, to defeat the negotiations. I am aware of no evidence to support this hypothesis, and the result would be easily explained and accounted for by the theory of an irreconcilable difference between the two parties themselves.

The great powers, meanwhile, were not inactive. A correspondence ensued, very largely through General Ignatieff, lately Russian ambassador near the Sublime Porte, as intermediary, which resulted in a protocol signed at London March 31, 1877, a copy of which, with a translation, is inclosed. At the time of signature certain qualifying declarations were made and annexed to the minutes severally by the Earl of Derby on the part of Great Britain, by Count Schouvaloff on the part of Russia, and by General Count de Menabrea on the part of Italy.

The protocol was at once communicated to the Sublime Porte. The manner in which it was received can be best explained by a dispatch bearing date April 9, 1877, from his excellency Safvet Pasha, the imperial minister of foreign affairs, and addressed telegraphically to each of the Ottoman ambassadors near the great friendly powers. A copy, with a translation, is annexed. The pathetic, almost despairing, tone of this dispatch no doubt discloses the real sentiments which animate the Turkish Government. Her financial credit gone, condemned by the moral judgment of the world as faithless to past pledges, without expectation of political support from any quarter, subjected to conditions very humiliating to her self-respect and perilous to her national existence, she appeals to God and the justice of her cause, determined to keep her place unimpaired among the nations or to perish in the attempt. The Turkish people, however, take a more hopeful view of the situation. With strong faith in themselves, and implicit confidence in divine and spiritual aid, they look forward undaunted to a life and death struggle with the world united, if so it be. Every soldier who falls is a martyr, and every one who survives a hero, each more glorious according to the number of enemies to the faith (giaours) he has slain.

The principal event of diplomatic importance during the two subsequent weeks was the renewal of intercourse by the Government of Great Britain. The Right Honorable Austin Henry Layard, Her British Majesty’s envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at Madrid, was appointed ambassador ad interim near the Sublime Porte, during the absence on leave granted to His Excellency Sir Henry Elliot after the close of the conference, and made necessary by his own impaired health and that of Lady Elliot. He reached Constantinople on the 20th instant, coming, by way of special distinction, in Her Majesty’s yacht Os-born, which was dispatched for that purpose, although the British Government has no fewer than three dispatch-boats (stationnaires) attached to the embassy and at the service of the ambassador. His Imperial Majesty the Sultan received him in audience yesterday, much sooner after his arrival than usual, and, I judge, with more than usual consideration and display. The grand vizier and the other ministers were equally prompt and impressive in making their official courtesies to the new ambassador, indicating altogether much gratification on the part of the Sublime Porte at the re-establishment of diplomatic relations with the great insular power of the West, and on the part of the latter a disposition very far from unfriendly to Turkey.

For some time past it has been understood that the Russians were massing large bodies of troops at Kischineff, a railway-station near the Pruth, at that point the dividing-line between Russia and the Turkish province of Moldavia, and not far from the Lower Danube, and it was reported that the Emperor would review them in person Monday last, the 23d instant. This, I suppose, he did.

Yesterday a dispatch was received at the Porte, from the Ottoman chargé d’affaires at St. Petersburg, that Prince Gortchakoff had made to him a declaration of war. News came that the Russian troops were across the Pruth, and rumors spread that a force was advancing into Asiatic Turkey in the region of Batoum, and had received a considerable check from the Turkish soldiery. This I have embodied in a telegram to the Department of State, a copy of which is inclosed.

A very Spirited address from the Sultan to his soldiers appears to-day, of which I append a translation, both French and English. This will, ho doubt, find a hearty response in the breast of the troops, who will enter the contest animated with resolution and high purpose.

The strife once begun, it would be rash to predict the end. My belief is that neither government, the Russian nor the Ottoman, desired war, and would gladly have accepted a pacific policy could they have done so prudently in the temper of their people. This I am satisfied the Sublime Porte could not do, and the same is probably true of the Czar. Whether, therefore, the war will end after a few actions to satisfy the popular wrath, or will continue until all Europe is embroiled, it is too early to forecast. * * *

So far as I have heard any expression of military opinions, they generally concede that single-handed Turkey is overmatched by Russia. And yet Turkey is better prepared for war than she ever was before, or is ever likely to be again. The late Sultan, Abdul Aziz, provided largely for military defense. I have already taken occasion to mention the strength of the Ottoman navy (dispatch No. 88, dated July 27, 1876). Small-arms with fixed ammunition were procured in large quantities from America, and heavy ordnance from Germany. The amount of war material accumulated is immense, and of the most effective character known to modern warfare. The ships are, most of them, in commission, and their crews have had some drill and practice, but I have a very faint idea of their efficiency. By the aid of shore-batteries they surely must command the Black Sea and the water approaches to Constantinople. The army, though probably overstated at six hundred thousand men, is undoubtedly large; and the operations of the last year have given to some of the soldiers the character of veterans. And should the Padischah, as he intimates, raise the sacred banner (sandjak-cheri), and convert the struggle into a holy war, he would rally Islamism en masse.

Great as are likely to be the material advantages to our countrymen, it is, nevertheless, a melancholy prospect.

I have, &c.,

HORACE MAYNARD.

[Inclosure 1 in No. 147.—Translation.]

The protocol of the great powers, signed at London March 31, 1877.

The powers who have undertaken in common the pacification of the East, and have with that view, taken part in the conference of Constantinople, recognize that the surest means of attaining the object which they have proposed to themselves is, before all, to maintain the agreement so happily established between them, and jointly to affirm afresh the common interest which they take in the improvement of the condition of the Christian population of Turkey, and in the reforms to be introduced in Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria, which the Porte has accepted on condition of itself carrying them into execution. They take cognizance of the conclusion of peace with Servia.

As regards Montenegro, the powers consider the rectification of the frontiers and of the free navigation of the Boïana to be desirable in the interest of a solid and durable arrangement.

The powers consider the arrangements concluded or to be concluded between the Porte and the two principalities as a step accomplished toward the pacification which is the object of their common wishes.

They invite the Porte to consolidate it by replacing its armies on a, peace footing, excepting the number of troops indispensable for the maintenance of order, and by putting in hand with the least possible delay the reforms necessary for the tranquillity and well-being of the provinces, the condition of Which was discussed at the conference. They recognize that the Porte has declared itself ready to realize an important portion of them.

They take cognizance specially of the circular of the Porte of the 13th of February, 1876, and of the declarations made by the Ottoman Government during the conference, and since, through its representatives.

In view of these good intentions on the part of the Parte, and of its evident interest to carry them immediately into effect, the powers believe that they have grounds for hoping that the Porte will profit by the present lull to apply energetically such measures as will cause that effective improvement in the condition of the Christian populations which is unanimously called for as indispensable to the tranquillity of Europe, and that having once entered on this path it will understand that it concerns its honor as well as its interests to persevere in it loyally and efficaciously.

The powers propose to watch carefully, by means of their representatives at Constantinople and their local agents, the manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government are carried into effect.

If their hopes should once more be disappointed, and if the condition of the Christian subjects of the Sultan should not be improved in a manner to prevent the return of the complications which periodically disturb the peace of the East, they think it right to declare that such a state of affairs would be incompatible with their interests and those of Europe in general. In such case they reserve to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they may deem best fitted to secure the well-being of the Christian populations and the interests of the general peace.

Done at London, March 31, 1877.

MÜNSTER

(Germany).

BEUST

(Austria-Hungary).

L. D’HARCOURT

(France).

DERBY

(Great Britain).

L. F. MENEBREA

(Italy).

SCHOUVALOFF

(Russia).

[Inclosure 2 in No. 147.]

declarations of great britain, russia, and italy before the signing of the protocol.

Declaration made by the Earl of Derby before the signature of the protocol.

The undersigned, Her Britannic Majesty’s principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, makes the following declaration in regard to the protocol this day signed by the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, France, Italy, and Russia:

Inasmuch as it is solely in the interests of European peace that Her Britannic Majesty’s Government have consented to sign the protocol proposed by that of Russia, it is understood beforehand that in the event of the object proposed not being attained, namely, reciprocal disarmament on the part of Russia and Turkey, and peace between them, the protocol in question shall be regarded as null and void.

DERBY.

London, March 31, 1877.

Declaration made by the ambassador of Russia.

If peace with Montenegro is concluded, and the Porte accepts the advice of Europe, and shows itself ready to replace its forces on a peace footing, and seriously to undertake the reforms mentioned in the protocol, let it send to St. Petersburgh a special envoy to treat of disarmament, to which His Majesty the Emperor would also on his part consent.

If massacres similar to those which have deluged Bulgaria with blood take place, this would necessarily put a stop to the measures of demobilization.

Declaration made by the Italian ambassador.

Italy is only bound by the signature of the protocol of this day’s date so long as the agreement happily established between all the powers by the protocol itself is maintained.

[Inclosure 4 in No. 147.]

dispatch of safvet pasha, ottoman minister of foreign affairs, on the protocol.

[Telegraphic.]

Constantinople, April 9, 1877.

The protocol signed at London on March 31, 1877, has been communicated to the Sublime Porte by the principal secretary of state of Her Britannic Majesty, and by the German, Austro-Hungarian, French, Italian, and Russian ambassadors, as also the declarations of the principal secretary of state for foreign affairs of Her Britannic Majesty, and of the Italian and Russian ambassadors, which are annexed to it.

Whilst taking note of these documents the Sublime Porte has experienced deep regret at perceiving that the great friendly powers did not consider it their duty to admit the imperial government to participate in deliberations in which, nevertheless, questions affecting the most vital interests of the empire were treated. The complete deference which the imperial government has under all circumstances evinced for the advice and wishes of the great powers, the close connection which so happily unites the interests of the empire to those of the rest of Europe, the most incontestable principles of equity, and lastly, solemn engagements, authorized the Sublime Porte to believe that it, too, would be called to take part in the work destined to restore peace to the East, and to establish the agreement on this subject among the great powers on a just and legitimate basis.

But from the moment that this has not been the case, the Sublime Porte sees itself imperiously obliged to assert itself against the authority of such a precedent, and to call attention to the fatal consequences which might also result in the future to the guiding principles of the security of international relations.

Passing to the examination of these documents, the Sublime Porte has come to the conclusion that if the signatory powers had taken better account of the exchange of views which took place at the time of the Constantinople conferences, of the results obtained in the interval which has elapsed since then, and of the nature of the new dangers which threaten peace, it would have been easy to have arrived, by a just consideration of the great interests in question, at a definitive agreement, which would not have been dependent either on serious infractions of law or on conditions which were impossible of realization.

During the Constantinople conferences, the Sublime Porte, relying on the constitution which His Imperial Majesty had just spontaneously granted, and which realized the most comprehensive reform which had been seen in this empire since its establishment, had taken care to point out the injustice of any measure which, under the appearance of reform, might be developed by the division of provinces, creeds, or classes; as well as the impossibility of accepting anything contrary to the integrity or independence of the empire. This double point of view answers fully to the conditions of the English programme which was accepted by the powers. This programme laid down in principle the maintenance of the integrity and independence of the empire, and demanded for certain provinces a system of institutions which should afford guarantees against bad administration and acts of arbitrary authority. Thus, the system of institutions demanded was naturally realized in law as well as in fact by the very nature of the new political organization given to the empire, without distinction of language, creeds, or provinces. Since then, the Ottoman Parliament has been convoked, and an assembly, founded on a system of free election, which will shortly be arranged in a manner which will give no ground for any well-founded criticism, is actually in session at Constantinople, and discusses with perfect freedom the most important state affairs. If the objection be made that this system of reforms is too new to have fruit immediately, it may be remarked in reply that that is an objection which could just as well have been made to the reforms recommended by the foreign plenipotentiaries, and in general against every reform which from the very fact that it is an innovation cannot possess at its birth the efficacy that time alone can impart.

Again internal security was solidly re-established. Tranquillity was restored to Servia, and negotiations, in which the Sublime Porte continues to give proof of the greatest moderation, have been commenced with Montenegro.

Unfortunately a new incident arose in the interval, and the extraordinary armaments which have been going on for some months through the length and breadth of Russia, while compelling the Sublime Porte to provide for measures of defense, have not only prevented a complete tranquillization of feeling being arrived at, but have, in the end, brought about a situation fraught with danger. The Sublime Porte will do itself the justice of declaring that it has neglected nothing which was calculated to dissipate doubts, to calm disquietudes, and to soothe the most delicate susceptibilities.

Seeing that the Porte was hardly freed from the long and difficult trials which the revolutionary plots had sought to let loose on all the provinces of the empire, it was natural that it should only long for repose, and should have no other desire than to devote itself at the first moment possible to the faithful work of internal regeneration. It could only from that time the more keenly deplore the sight of the further removal every day of this constant object of its wishes, in proportion as the restraint which it was sought to impose on it, left it no other alternative than to demand weighty sacrifices from its people, to exhaust its finances by large and unproductive expenditure, and above all, to devote its attention to the way in which it could succeed in averting a conflict which was calculated to disturb deeply the peace of the world.

It is natural that the great powers interested themselves in this situation. The Sublime Porte, for reasons which it is unnecessary to explain, had, up to the present time, avoided drawing officially the attention of the powers to this new phase of the question—assuredly the gravest of all. But the declarations which their excellencies, Lord Derby and Count Schouvaloff, prefixed to the signature of the protocol, give it also at the present moment an opportunity of conveying to the friendly cabinets the urgent need there is to put an end to a complication so dangerous, and of which it is not in the power of the Sublime Porte much longer to delay the result.

Consequently, and in reply to the declaration of his excellency, the ambassador of Russia, the Sublime Porte on its side notifies the following declaration to the powers who signed the protocol:

1. The Sublime Porte following, as regards Montenegro, the same course which had brought about peace with Servia, spontaneously informed the prince two months ago that no effort, even at the price of certain sacrifices, would be spared to come to an understanding with him; viewing Montenegro as an integral portion of Ottoman territory, the Porte proposed a rectification of the line of boundary which would insure certain advantages to Montenegro, and, henceforth, it depends entirely on the counsels of moderation, which the Sublime Porte trusts will prevail at Cettigne, whether this affair may be considered as terminated.

2. The imperial government is ready to carry out immediately all the promised reforms; but these reforms, in conformity with the fundamental dispositions of our constitution, must not bear a special and exclusive character; and in this spirit the imperial government will, while reserving its full and complete liberty of action, persevere in establishing these institutions.

3. The imperial government is prepared to replace its armies upon a peace-footing as soon as it sees that the Russian Government is taking measures with a similar object. The Turkish armaments are essentially of a defensive character, and the bonds of friendship and esteem which unite the two empires give reason to hope that the cabinet of St. Petersburg will not isolate itself in Europe by clinging to the belief that the Christian populations of Turkey are exposed to such dangers from their own government that it is necessary to prepare against a friendly neighbor and state every possible means of invasion and destruction.

4. As regards the disorders which might break out in Turkey and arrest the demobilization of the Russian army, the imperial government, which rejects the offensive terms in which this idea has been expressed, believes that Europe is convinced that the disorders which have disturbed the tranquillity of the provinces were due to external agitation; that the imperial government cannot be held responsible for them; and that consequently the Russian Government would not be justified in making the demobilization of its armies depend on such contingencies.

5. As to the dispatch of a special envoy to St. Petersburg, charged with treating of the disarmament, the imperial government, which would have no reason to refuse an act of courtesy which is imposed by diplomatic etiquette on condition of reciprocity, sees no connection between this act of international courtesy and the disarmament, for delaying which there is no plausible motive, and which could be carried into effect by a simple telegraphic order.

In placing the preceding declarations before the cabinets of the signatory powers the Sublime Porte asks them to take note of them, to appreciate the spirit which has dictated them, and be so good as to give them the importance to which they are entitled in the present situation—a situation to the dangers of which the imperial government cannot too plainly call attention, and for which it formally repudiates the responsibility.

In connection with what has just been set forth above, respecting the efforts which the imperial government has devoted to the restoration of tranquillity as well as respecting the causes which have really baffled them, the cabinets who have signed the protocol of March 31 can easily comprehend the painful feeling which this document could not fail to produce on the imperial government.

It would be useless to recall here the passages of the protocol relating to the two principalities, and to the question of disarmament.

But what cannot, in truth, be sufficiently regretted is the small account which the powers seem to have taken both of the great principles of equality and justice, which the imperial government seeks to introduce into the internal administration, and of its rights of independence and sovereignty.

There is, in fact, cause for surprise that in this protocol the friendly powers have thought fit to affirm afresh the “common interest which they take in the reforms to be introduced into Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria, which the Porte has accepted, reserving to herself their application,” to invite the Porte to carry into “operation, with the shortest possible delay, the reforms in the condition of the provinces, with which the conference was concerned,” to express the hope that the Porte will energetically take the measures destined to produce in the condition of the Christian population the effectual improvement which is unanimously demanded, and that once entered on this path, it will understand that its honor, as well as its interest, is at stake in persevering loyally and effectually therein.

The Sublime Porte has not accented reforms exclusively for Bosnia, Herzegovina, and for localities inhabited by Bulgarians.

It is not a matter of doubt that it is very much to its interest and part of its duty to satisfy the legitimate rights of its Christian subjects. It cannot admit that the improvements which are recommended to its notice should he devoted exclusively to the Christian element. On the rumor of the receipt of proofs of loyalty and devotion which all His Majesty’s subjects have shown, and in presence of reforms which tend to unite all the populations of the empire into one single body politic, the Sublime Porte owes it to itself to repel the suspicion which the expressions of the protocol would wish to throw on the sincerity of its sentiments toward its Christian subjects, and to protest, moreover, against the indifference, to say the least, which these same expressions bear witness to, with reference to its Mussulman subjects and others. It is not to be supposed that improvements which tend to insure also to the Mussulmans tranquillity and well-being are devoid of importance in the eyes of Europe, enlightened, tolerant, and just as she is—measures, or rather institutions, calculated to secure to all equally the liberal development, both moral and material, of the rights of each individual. Such is the object which Turkey is now aiming at. She will make it a point of honor to persevere in this course; and for this the constitution is the beat and surest guarantee.

But if the Imperial Government sees itself compelled to reject every idea by which attempts might be made to sow germs of antagonism between the different elements of its population, and to inspire certain persons amongst them with mistrust of their legitimate authorities, neither would it see its way on any account to subscribe to the sanction which the protocol has in view to give to the application of the improvements above set forth.

Thus, when the protocol declares that the powers propose to watch with care, and through the medium of their representatives at Constantinople and of their local agents, over the way in which the promises of the Ottoman Government shall be executed, and when it adds that if this hope should once more prove unfounded they reserve to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they may think best calculated to insure the welfare of the Christians and the general interests of peace, it is evident that it must provoke the legitimate protestations of the Imperial Government, and encounter its most formal opposition. Turkey, as an independent state, cannot submit to he placed under any surveillance, whether collective or not.

Although she maintains with other friendly powers relations which are governed by internal law and by treaty, she cannot agree to recognize the foreign agents or representatives, whose duty it is to protect the interests of their respective countries, as holding any mission of official surveillance. The Imperial Government cannot either see in what manner it has so far deviated from the path of justice and civilization as to see itself placed in a position, both humiliating and without example in the world.

The treaty of Paris explicitly declared the principle of non-intervention. That treaty, which binds the other high contracting parties as well as Turkey, cannot be abolished by a protocol in which Turkey has taken no part.

And if Turkey appeals to the stipulations of the treaty of Paris, it is not because that treaty created in her favor any rights which she did not possess without that treaty, but only to recall attention to the grave reasons which twenty years ago led the powers, in the interest of the general peace of Europe, to place under the guarantee of a joint promise the recognition of the inviolable right of sovereignty of that empire.

As for the clause which, in case of non-execution of the promised reforms, would give to the powers the right of concerting ulterior measures, the Imperial Government regards it in the light of a further attack on its dignity and on its rights, a proceeding of intimidation calculated to deprive their action of all merit of spontaneity, and a source of grave complication for the present as well as for the future.

No consideration can arrest the Imperial Government in its determination to protest against the protocol of the 31st of March, and to consider it, as regards Turkey, as devoid of all equity, and consequently of all binding character.

In face of hostile suggestions, unmerited suspicions, and manifest violations of her rights—violations which are at the same time violations, of international law—Turkey feels that she struggles at the present moment for her very existence.

Strong in the justice of her cause, and with confidence in God, she declares that she ignores what may have been decided without her and against her; determined to keep the place which Providence has thus destined to her, she will not cease to oppose to those attacks which are directed against her the general principles of international right, and the authority of a great European compact which binds the honor of the signatory powers of the protocol of the 31st of March, which last has no legal validity in her eyes. She appeals to the conscience of the cabinets, which she is justified in considering as animated towards her with the same sentiments of equity and friendship as in the past. Immediate and simultaneous disarmament will be the only efficacious means of obviating the dangers with which the general peace is menaced.

The answer which the Imperial Government has just made to the declaration of the ambassador of Russia gives the powers a fitting opportunity to bring about this result, which surely they would not seek to obtain by persistently imposing on the Ottoman Empire sacrifices of right and of honor to which she will not consent.

You are instructed to read this memorandum to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and leave a copy of it with his excellency.

[Inclosure 5 in No. 147.]

Address of His Majesty the Sultan, by telegraph, to the Generalissimo Abdul-Kerim Pasha, to the major-generals of the armies of the Danube and Erzeroum, also to the commandant of the military division at Batoum.

The Russian Government has broken relations with us, and has declared war against us. Trusting in the aid of the Most High, we are constrained, in turn, to have recourse to arms.

You know we have always wished for peace and tranquillity. Indeed, armed though we were, we have had up to this moment but a single wish in our hearts—peace!

We have listened to the counsels of friendly states, and have labored together with them for this wished-for result.

But our enemy, with full purpose to destroy our rights, our independence, and our country, has shown it impossible to satisfy his desire without compelling us to sacrifice these blessings. Hence, without right, without lawful excuse, he is on the march to attack us.

We have the conviction that the Judge of judges, the Protector of right and justice, will grant us victory and safety.

Please God, with the efforts and the bravery, with the union, and the moral and material aid, of my faithful subjects, our enemy shall not reach the end he aims at.

I trust in God, the dispenser of victory in righteous causes; I trust my soldiers will keep safe the glory and the honor of the name of the Osmanlis and of their ancestors, and will preserve unstained our flag.

I salute you, generals all, with the officers and soldiers, my brave children, under your command. The state and the nation have trained them for this supreme day. They will show in this solemn hour all their ardor, their zeal, and their courage.

Every stone, every handful of earth forming the posts guarded by the soldiers under your command, has been purchased by thousands of heroes and martyrs, our glorious ancestors, at the price of their blood.

Then let them defend these posts against the attacks of the enemy, these posts which secure the rights, the honor, and the independence of the Osmanlis.

By discharging their sacred duty our soldiers, guided by the presence and the spiritual aid of the Prophet, shall be crowned of God with victory. For them are all our prayers.

The nation takes under her watch and ward the wives and children of her soldier brothers.

Their Padischah is with them heart and soul. If need be he will unfurl the holy standard of the Khalifate and the Sultanate, and fly to their support, ready to sacrifice his life in the midst of them for the cause of right, for the honor and the independence of the country.

God grant us victory!