No. 287.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Fish.

No. 406.]

Sir: Much interest has been felt here for some time past in the political contest which has been going on in the United States, and the result has been eagerly, almost anxiously, awaited. The first telegrams [Page 487] received here, as elsewhere, too, indicated the election of Mr. Tilden by a majority of some thirty or forty votes in the electoral college. This announcement was a surprise to the Spanish Government and to the press of Madrid.

The first impression noticeable among those with whom I conversed was one of doubt, approaching to distrust, as to the influence of a change of administration on the future course of relations between the United States and Spain. Traces of this feeling are shown in the prominent article published in the Imparcial the next morning, the 9th, and the spirit of which was echoed with more or less force by several other journals of the opposition.

I hastened to reassure those who spoke to me on the subject by remarking that all the old issues, either for or against slavery, had been swallowed up in the late civil struggle in our midst and in the events since that time; that a large portion of our political community was still laboring under the consequences of that struggle, to the result of keeping alive more or less of sectional influence; that the first aim of the Democratic party would necessarily be to establish domestic homogeneity, without which good government would be hampered, as it had been so often in the past by conflict of the interests coalesced for the electoral contest but not yet intimately joined; that this process would need time for its accomplishment, and, when accomplished, would go far toward extinguishing the adventurous spirit and sectional aspirations which had distinguished the States of the South at the time when their power and prosperity were based on the institution of human bondage, and that in my judgment such a prudent policy of conciliation and union at home would involve a collateral policy of friendship and good-will abroad; for the development of any centrifugal tendencies, which would be harmful in our outward relations, could not fail to be equally or more harmful to the body-politic within.

I was much relieved to see by the Politica of that evening (the 9th) that the ministerial press was taking a confident and not unfriendly ground. Both the Politica and the Epoca of yesterday evening, evidently by inspiration in high quarters, strengthened and amplified the position thus assumed. And at the weekly reception, held last night in the salons of the presidency, the same views were freely and generally expressed, although with more of hypothesis than before, the later intelligence received being such as to involve the result in complete doubt and uncertainty.

The closeness of the contest has aroused even more interest in its termination than was shown at first. I heard it frequently said last night, by foreigners as well as by Spaniards, that the even balance of party strength, with the probable concomitant of the Senate and House on opposite sides, would prevent any very strongly accentuated policy being pursued at home or abroad by the incoming administration, whichever it may be.

I report these indications of the sentiment discernible about me here as matter of interest. In so far as their importance is concerned the Epoca and the Política may be relied upon as representing the general views of the King’s government, and I therefore send you copy of their several editorials on the subject, together with translation of the more salient passages of the same. I also send copy and translation of the article published by the Imparcial.

In view of the later news received, the press of today is discreetly silent as to the relations of the two countries.

I have, &c.,

A. AUGUSTUS ADEE.
[Page 488]
[Inclosure B in No. 406.—Translation.]

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The Democratic party of the United States does not specify so positively as the Republican, among the principles of its creed, that of non-intervention in the affairs of other nations. It is easy therefore to understand the alarm which, according to the telegraph, has been caused in England by the victory of Tilden over Hayes. More justified would be not merely alarm but distrust among us.

On changing the directive power in the United States the central policy changes. Before, it found its inspiration in the opinions and interests of the Northern States, and now it is about to find them in the opinions and interests of those of the South. Between these and our provinces beyond the seas, between these and the Antilles, there are indubitable and constant relations, and there exist great and profound analogies which demand all the attention of our statesmen.

A certain fact in the contemporaneous history of our country is explained by those relations and that influence, and the memory of that fact and the consideration of those circumstances are sufficient for us not to confide recklessly in the future which is presented to us by the solution of the American crisis, nor to cease to think very seriously on the consequences which may lead to problems related with interests of vital importance for the Spanish nation. In view of the victory of the Democratic party, we ought, therefore, at least to remain in a prudent attitude of expectancy and reserve.

[Inclosure D in No. 406.—Translation.]

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Will the Democrats have learned anything in these sixteen years, during which a war of the costliest and bloodiest character has taken place, which has cost the United States more than a million of men, and more than thirty thousand millions of francs ($6,000,000,000)? We think the experience has been too costly not to have been heeded; we think that a sufficient time of experience has passed to remove the fear of the restoration of anything which resembles slavery, or the reproduction of the former adventurous schemes; we think, lastly, that the spirit of the new government, and even of the Democratic party itself, must have been much modified in the sense of a pacific policy, and one in harmony with all the nations of both continents.

For our part, the relations with the United States, thanks to the skill and foresight wherewith they have been managed by our minister of state, are to-day on the best possible footing; not only is there no difficulty pending between us, but in proportion as the cause of the filibusters has fallen into discredit in the United States by reason of the very acts of their partisans and adepts, the cause of Spanish nationality has gained in importance and consideration; our soldiers have been most warmly received in Philadelphia; and the circumstance of having placed with our own resources, with our own vessels, and in a moment, 25,000 regular and thoroughly-equipped troops on the shores of Cuba in order to deal the final blow to the insurrection, has given great prominence to our name in America. * * *

We do not understand, therefore, that there is any serious cause for alarm with respect to our interests in the election of Mr. Tilden to the office of President of the United States. Besides the changes which time, experience, and circumstances cannot but have wrought in the ideas and proceedings of the dominant party, and above all of its administration; beside the absence of all difficulty in the relations of the two governments, the United States are themselves at present in a situation which, rationally speaking, does not permit a hostile policy On their part; both the Houses of Washington are not partisans of Democracy; and the domestic difficulties which may arise in the definitive adjustment of the status of the Southern States of the Union would necessarily operate to turn aside the gaze of their government from other external affairs of less importance. One of our journals says that in view of the election of Mr. Tilden, we ought to observe toward America a conduct of expectancy and reserve. If by this’ is meant that we are not to meddle in the domestic affairs of that country, the advice is good, but needless; because with what right could we intervene therein, directly or indirectly, or with what object? We should, therefore, follow so long as our honor or our territory be not attacked—and we believe they are not to be attacked—the same conduct of cordial intelligence and friendship which we have observed hitherto. Whether Mr. Tilden or another succeeds Mr. Grant, whether the Democratic party replaces the Republican in power, or whether the latter continues, is a question for the United States alone. We, prepared in time as we are, have nothing to show except the same good dispositions and the same friendly sentiments as hitherto.

[Page 489]
[Inclosure F in No. 406.—Translation.]

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The Republican party, during the sixteen years of its administration, has rendered great services to that country, but it has committed great faults. It has invigorated the action of power, but at the cost of infringing the autonomy of the States. Those of the South have suffered terrible vexations, of which they have now avenged themselves by their vote; but the fear of the Imparcial that should those States recover their preponderance, the relations with Spain may go back to their old state, does not seem likely to us. The Southern slave States had an interest before the war of secession in having a new slave State to add one star more to the flag of the United States; but the abolition of slavery being accomplished, that interest has disappeared, and domestic conflicts must now largely occupy the attention of the United States.

We do not forget that the new President is going to have the counterpoise of an assembly with a Republican majority; and the President above all must occupy himself in bettering the situation of the States of the South, and in blotting out from the administration the character which now weighs upon it.

The foreign policy will not suffer variation, in our judgment, and much less so when Spain gives evidence of vitality as real and positive as it is free from braggart boastfulness, and of such true importance for a practical nation like the North American republic. It has witnessed the arrival in Cuba, in Spanish ships, and within a very few days, of twenty-four battalions; it is not ignorant that a heavy loan furnishes the means of sustaining them, and that those means will be supplied during the necessary time. Twenty millions in gold transported in our vessels gives ostensible proof of the solicitude with which the nation devotes itself to the preservatio its province beyond the seas; and the name of Martinez Campos, general-in-chief of the troops, appears in the United States with the aureole wherewith his victories and his great services surround it. All these things will exert their influence, and we cherish the conviction that our relations are to continue to be as cordial as hitherto. As a productive and intellectual nation, the prizes gained at the Philadelphia Exposition say enough. As a people jealous of its honor and its integrity, the sacrifices realized until now afford the measure of those which we are still ready to make.

Let us be lookers-on, therefore, with curiosity and satisfaction in the regenerating and liberal movement of the United States, who, in the same way, attentive to healing the wounds of its domestic policy, will have pleasure in maintaining intimate relations with the powers.

[Inclosure H in No. 406.—Translation.]

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If we had shown ourselves profoundly alarmed at the election of Mr. Tilden, besides doing a thing contrary to the reality, we would have given occasion, or at least pretext, to the opposition papers to speak of the haste of the ministerial press, and of its imprudent attitude, which at such a time as this was ready to compromise the relations which unite us to a friendly power.

If there had been in reality a great motive of alarm, the dread of such accusations from the opposition journals would not have deterred us from fulfilling our duty of calling the attention of the government and of the country to the gravity of the circumstances, but we have already expressed yesterday the reasons we had for not con sidering them as grave as other papers did.

The Democrats return to power, but not without sharing it with the Republicans, who have a majority in one of the chambers. They return to power after sixteen years, four of which were passed in a terrible war, which caused an expense of more than six thousand million dollars to the public treasury, without counting the immense number of millions which the wealth destroyed in the country was worth; they return to power after slavery is abolished and the slaves emancipated in such a manner that it is impossible to set them back in their old state; they come to power with the experience which they have gained from the facts which have occurred, and which have changed the aspect of all these questions.

With respect to our island of Cuba, when in the Congress of Washington the influence of the slave States was almost balanced against that of the abolitionist States, the aggregation of Cuba to the United States was expedient for those of the South in order to give them the preponderance in Congress. Slavery being abolished in North America, that interest has disappeared, and there would remain the difficulties inherent [Page 490] to the possession of islands, which need for their defense in case of war a greater number of troops than for continental possessions.

The statesmen of North America do not now aspire to the annexation of Cuba; they might, at most, endeavor to have it emancipated from Spain, but they will not go to war to bring about that emancipation, and they would rather endeavor to maintain good relations with a nation which enables them to collect an annual revenue of thirty-two million dollars. The question, therefore, has greatly varied under all its aspects during the last sixteen years.

There are other variations to note. The open wounds, those especially in the Southern States of the great republic, as a result of the late war, are not yet healed. The needs of the contest, the excitement of passions, the ferocity with which in many places the respective ideas were defended, have given rise to scenes of violence and to measures of repression which are still producing their effects. The return of the Democrats to power has produced in the North as in the South, difficulties for the American Government which we do not think will leave it superabundant time for turning its attention for the present to foreign enterprises, even did it persist, as formerly, in the idea of undertaking them.

On the other hand, there is no question, pending between Spain and the United States which can give rise to sensible differences; on the contrary, our relations have never been on a more friendly and benevolent footing.

Lastly, the government, whose purposes in this respect we had the good fortune to express yesterday, foreseeing what might come about, and in its desire, moreover, to put a speedy end to the insurrection in Cuba, has asked from the country and has succeeded in obtaining the great effort which it has just made, and which, until now; no government had made on so large a scale in so short a time, and with its own means. The 25,000 men sent out are now in Cuba, with General Martinez Campos, and are joined with those who are there defending the integrity of the country; and, before the new American Government has time to look around itself, the insurrection will have been, if not extinguished, reduced to insignificant bands of marauders, of which our troops will soon render account.

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