No. 285.
Mr. Adee to Mr. Fish.

No. 386.]

Sir: The eve of the reassembling of the Cortes seems to me to be a fitting time for a brief review of the recent and present political situation.

On the whole, the government, under the able pilotage of Mr. Cánovas del Castillo, appears to have steered its way skillfully among the hidden reefs and surface-breakers of the parliamentary vacation.

The opposition has not been idle during the summer rest, as you will have judged from several of my dispatches. Its attacks have been as much personal as political.

strenuous endeavors have been made to rally a sufficient number of the ministerial representatives of the nation around this or that prominent man of the majority, or this or that prominent leader of the indeterminate fraction which fluctuates between the constitutionals, so called, and the party in power, with the object of either ousting Mr. Cánovas in favor of one of his own adherents, or of realizing a fusion of the border elements to form a parliamentary center, or right center, in imitation of that in France, to control the balance of party strength in the lower chamber. The efforts, however, in favor of Mr. Posada Herrera and Mr. Alonso Martinez do not seem to have been productive of much result, and Mr. Cánovas del Castillo meets the Cortes with his large personal prestige practically unimpaired, and with the conciliation cabinet and policy with which he took the reins of government still strong against assault.

[Page 483]

The campaign against him from the political point of view has been earnest and bitter. A number of vulnerable points in his administration have been assailed, but without much success. My dispatches will have given you a fair conception of the state of the religious question, concerning which it is expected that the warfare will be renewed in the Cortes at no distant day. Besides this, the other main points of attack have been the return of the royal family to Spain, and the continued suspension of the constitutional guarantees, commonly called the “dictatorship.” The first of these, which in less resolute hands might have been a source of peril, has passed without any very marked effect. The queen-mother did not enter the lists as an open champion of reaction, but remained quietly at Santander, and after a few weeks spent in the bracing air of the Guadarrama at the Escorial passed unostentatiously to Seville, where she is now for the winter, surrounded by her family. It was alleged that she was to make a semi-triumphant entry into the capital on the 29th of September, the anniversary of her dethronement, but she did not, her own good sense probably showing her the unwisdom of any such defiant attitude, especially when the very government of her son rests on a political conciliation which embraces as cabinet ministers two of the men most active in her overthrow. Her Majesty did indeed visit Madrid, but only for a few hours, coming and going without pomp of any kind, and in the midst of what looked very like the stolid indifference of the people of the metropolis.

The suspension of constitutional guarantees constitutes a graver charge for the government to meet. You will remember that at the time of the adoption of the present constitution the ministry of Mr. Cánovas was already acting under the so-called “extraordinary powers” with which its predecessor had been self invested during the presidency of General Serrano; that no special legislative steps were taken under the new constitution to confirm those extraordinary powers; and that, on the question being mooted in the Cortes, it was abruptly suppressed by an overwhelming vote of confidence in the government.

Under the Serrano decree and the vote of the chambers the government has continued to act. In point of fact, the constitutional guarantees are not, and have not been, suspended; they have never been put into operation, and await the resolution of the government and the Cortes in order to take effect.

These powers of the government have stood it in good stead in the breaking up of the Zorrilla-Salmeron conspiracy, and it must be admitted that the ministry has exhibited moderation in availing itself of its faculties to so slight an extent as it has done in this instance.

Notwithstanding that its attributes partake largely of the absolutism attending a “state of siege” (that is, proclaimed martial law), and that the civil and ordinary jurisdiction might not unpardonably have been set aside on the plea of imminent danger to the state, the government of Mr. Cánovas del Castillo waives its powerful prerogative and adheres to the fuero comun for the prosecution of the alleged conspirators, as explained in my No. 381. A notable illustration of this is announced to-day, in that General Burgos, who was detained on his voluntary surrender, and released on his military parole, has just been arrested on the warrant of the civil judge who has cognizance of the proceedings.

Again, in respect to the periodical press, the government has shown moderation.

Since the press decree now in force took effect with the new year, there has not been a single instance of arbitrary suspension of a paper, [Page 484] such as we are in the habit of associating with the idea of a continental dictatorship.

Complaint has been instituted in cases of alleged contravention of that law; public trial has been had before an honest special tribunal; and acquittals have been almost as frequent as convictions. In case of sentence, appeal, with public hearing, is had to the supreme tribunal. During all these proceedings the journal accused continues to be published, and even in event of the judgment of the press court being affirmed, the journal condemned to suspension takes its own time about commencing to suffer its penalty. It is true that there have been many convictions and suspensions, but it is hardly fair to throw the blame of this upon the government. The law may be harsh and restrictive, but it is known, and can be obeyed by any one who comprehends its precepts. And to the impartial observer it looks as though the opposition press aimed to come as near as possible to transgression of the law without incurring amenability to the penalties it imposes. In fact, I often think that the main object of the anti-ministerial journal of the day is to court “denunciation” by the fiscal on an article or paragraph of double meaning, trusting to obtain acquittal on trial or appeal through the ability of the advocate charged with its defense.

At any rate, whether the dictatorship of the government, in these and other matters, be onerous or not, it is announced that on the reassembling of the Córtes the cabinet will resign its extraordinary powers into the hands of the co-legislative bodies.

In its financial aspect, the position of the government is not so good. Although the measures planned by Mr. Salaverría have been followed by his successor, Mr. García Barzanallana, and although the revenues of state are considerably in excess of previous years, and go beyond the estimated receipts, still the public expenses are heavy, the financial condition of the country is unhappy, the prospect of continuing to pay even the one per cent, of interest promised to foreign bondholders is not so good as they would like, and the public credit has sunk even lower, till the three per cents, are rated on the bourse at less than 12, a fall of some 7 per cent, of nominal value, or some 40 per cent, of actual price, within the past year. And yet, in coming before the Cortes, with an effected Cuban loan, a floating debt funded, and a gold and silver currency unified at last, the government does as well as could be hoped. There will be opposition, and bitter enough, too, on all these points of omission or of commission, but a natural defense, if not justification, is found in the inquiry: what government could do better?

* * * * * * *

The news from Cuba is reassuring to the ministry, and cannot but have a good effect on the Córtes. A telegram received yesterday from General Jovellar, reports an encounter with an insurgent force, which suffered defeat with much loss, the chief Veguita being among the prisoners taken.

The district of Las Villas is reported clear of insurgents, and the arrival of General Martinez de Campos is anxiously awaited in order to begin active operations in the field along the lines of the two trochas. Over 21,000 men of the recent re-enforcement have thus far sailed from Spain.

In foreign affairs, three matters of interest are likely to come before the present legislature.

The extradition of Tweed, in the absence of a treaty, will doubtless attract attention. What contention there may be about it may possibly be allayed by the government’s holding out the prospect of a formal and [Page 485] beneficial treaty of extradition with the United States, as the result of” this friendly concession on the part of Spain.

With France a somewhat similar question has arisen in regard to the surrender of Rosas Samaniego, a Carlist guerrilla chief, which is demanded of Spain, under treaty, on the ground that criminal charges of murder, arson, and robbery, are pending against him.

To this demand the French government hesitates to accede, in view of the general political character of the crimes laid at Samaniego’s door, and in remembrance of the circumstance that its own communists, whose hands were deeper stained than those of the Carlists, even received quasi-protection in some foreign lands as political offenders.

It is said, also, that France will be invited to expel Mr. Ruiz Zorrilla from her territory. If this step is contemplated it will doubtless come before the chambers.

* * * * * * *

As for the work to be done by the Cortes, there is prospect that they will not be idle.

The much-needed “organic laws,” as they are called, that is, laws in interpretation or definition of the precepts of the constitution, are to be framed.

The finances are in some want of further legislation. The judicial system, after the reckless tinkering which it has undergone in the revolutionary era, would be none the worse for a few extra touches now to make it more uniform. And what is one of the most prominent, if not one of the most important features of a legislative session in Spain, the conflicting personal interests of the men, rather than the principles of the contending parties and fractions of parties, will not be a barren subject of debate.

I am, &c.,

A. AUGUSTUS ADEE.