No. 170.
Mr. Bassett to Mr. Evarts.

No. 523.]

Sir: Referring to that portion of my No. 522, of the 28th ultimo, which made mention of a note just then received from the Dominican plenipotentiaries, I have the honor to send you herewith inclosed a careful translation of the note, and to invite your convenient attention thereto.

It will be seen that the note professes to give an outline both of the unsatisfactory relations which have arisen between the two republics of this island and of the efforts which have been made by the Dominican Government to improve those relations, and that its recitals and general tenor are such as to lead to the conclusion that the responsibility for the actual condition of things between the two republics rests with Hayti. As a whole, it might be taken as even a bold affirmation of the [Page 314] correctness of the statements and apprehensions somewhat reservedly expressed in my dispatches of recent dates, numbered 498, 507, and 508, and I must give it as my impression that, with few exceptions, the assertions in the note are fairly reliable.

* * * * * **

But I do not think, as it is affirmed in the plenipotentiaries’ note, that this government has “consented,” although it may have, and probably has, tacitly permitted and so connived “that armed incursions against, the public order and tranquillity of the Dominican Republic should have their center and headquarters of depredatory operations on the frontiers of Hayti.” For since the ignominious failure of Soulouque to subdue the Dominicans by force of arms in 1855–’56, the policy of this government in regard to that of Santo Domingo has, according to the best of my knowledge and belief, been to keep up before the world an Appearance of friendly relations between the two republics, while at the same time it has, except under Salnave, steadily, but covertly, sought to foment discord among the Dominicans, and most cunningly and secretly to intermeddle in and control their political affairs. Therefore, whatever provocation the plenipotentiaries may have had for the assertion, I am sure this government does not wish or intend other nations to understand or be able to prove that “the Haytian authorities act toward the Dominicans as if they had not the least international obligation, according either to the law of nature or the law of nations.”

It has all along been my impression that President Baëz perfectly comprehends the policy of this government toward his own. And I regard his endeavor, through the sending of plenipotentiaries hither to settle in an amicable way the difficulties which have arisen between the two governments, not only as discreet and wise, but also as one which ought to disarm this government of all pretext for further clandestine or other interference in the internal political affairs of the Dominican Republic.

It appears to me, also, that the Dominican plenipotentiaries, in their argument favoring the recognition of the treaty between the two countries, had right, justice, and honor on their side.

I am, &c.,

EBENEZER D. BASSETT.
[Inclosure.—Translation.]

The Dominican plenipotentiaries to the foreign representatives at Port-au-Prince.

To the diplomatic or consular representatives of the United States of America, of France, of England, and of Spain, at Port-au-Prince:

Messieurs les Représentants: In our quality of diplomatic envoys of the Government of the Dominican Republic near the Government of the Republic of Hayti, it is of our greatest interest—an interest altogether moral and patriotic—to bring to your knowledge both the actual state of the official relations between the two governments above mentioned and the results which, in regard to these relations, our labors in the view of formalizing and fixing them according to the principles of the law of nations universally admitted, have obtained.

The Dominican nation, by a spontaneous and unanimous effort, in December, 1876, overthrew the usurped and derisive dictatorship of Mr. Ignacio M. Gonzales, who imposed himself by surprise and force upon the legitimate government of Mr. Ulises Espaillat. General Baez was in consequence invested with supreme power, and the fall of Gonzales responded so perfectly to the general wish that President Baez in order to establish his government had no occasion to employ any dictatorial act or to [Page 315] combat any resistance. He had the happiness to insure peace to his fellow-citizens, and to establish his administration on the basis of eminently liberal principles and strictest equity.

But the government of Mr. Baez found in its path, from its first day, the ill will of the Haytian Government, which, in contempt of the treaty existing between the two nations sought to entice over to Haytian territory all the discontented who, without constraint of any kind, chose to withdraw from Dominican authority; and then it consented that armed incursions against the public order and tranquillity of the Dominican Republic should have their center of organization and headquarters of depredatory operations on the frontiers of Hayti. Prohibitions on the commerce of Dominican produce were established by the Haytian custom-house regulations to the prejudice and in flagrant violation of the above-named treaty; and, finally, the Haytian authorities act toward the legitimate government of the Dominicans as if they had not the least international obligation, according either to the law of nature or the law of nations.

The reclamations of the Dominican authorities as to the disorders on the frontiers are altogether, useless; and, in consequence, a handful of insurgents hold in check the troops of the Dominican Government, which, in fact, finds itself under the weight of enormous expenses in order to face insignificant bands that freely cross and recross the Haytian frontier. It was in vain that, soon after his elevation to power, President Baez was pleased to resort to conciliatory measures and to appeal to reason and justice to bring the Haytian Government to a respect of the public faith of nations. To this end he caused a commission to come to Port au Prince in January last, to reclaim arms belonging to the Dominican Government, and to demand the suppression of the insurgents, who had just then opened hostile operations on the river Massacre, near Dajabon. At the same time, the Dominican commissioner came charged to make the otter of the pacific sentiments of his government to the Haytian Government, and to seek the strengthening of good relations by means of the complete execution of the clauses of the treaty.

The commissioner obtained nothing; a marked coldness, evasive answers, and insolent demeanor (manifestations outrageantes) in return for the loyalty of the Dominican Government, finished by convincing our commissioner, Mr. Cabral, that there were, on the part of the Haytian Government, a foregone conclusion (parti pris) and insurmountable prejudices. It was under these painful impressions that he returned to Santo Domingo and rendered an account of his mission.

The government of President Baez was not disheartened notwithstanding this unhappy trial. Holding it at heart to give a more convincing testimony of his moderation and his desire for concord with the neighboring country, he decided that a new commission should be furnished, with conciliatory instructions, in order to come to a reasonable agreement by means of new engagements efficacious enough to assure the Haytian Government itself as to the point of its injurious suspicions growing out of imputed projects of Dominican annexation. Upon us, the undersigned, fell the honor of being selected for this mission of peace. We have done our best to fulfill our mission; but we have stranded upon the same prejudices and the same foregone conclusion (parti pris) as those upon which our predecessor stranded. Furthermore, we have found Mr. Gonzalez established at Port au Prince working actively to produce new uprisings in favor of his own restoration to power, and the first effect of his labors was the insurrectionary attempt which broke out and was crushed at Puerto Plata the 1st of July instant.

We were under the obligation of causing the Haytian minister of foreign affairs to feel how pressing was the necessity of putting an end to this disorder and to these criminal intrigues against the public tranquillity of the Dominicans, and of faithfully executing the stipulations of the treaty in vigor; but the minister evaded our reclamations, in objecting to us that “the national assembly of Hayti having declared null and void the acts of General Domingue’s government, the Dominico-Haytian treaty remains struck with the same nullity”; and the same Mr. Ethéart submitted to us on the 14th of July a verbal communication containing the conditional bases for new conventions to be entered into; he put in advance, as one of the dispositions already decided upon by his government, the proposition here below copied textually:

“The Dominico-Haytian treaty, signed November 9, 1874, between the government of General Domingue and that of General Gonzales, remains null and void, as the secretary of foreign affairs of the republic of Hayti had already caused it to be understood, as well in his collective note addressed to the (diplomatic) agents accredited in this country as in the exposition of the situation (President’s message) to the national assembly. It must be considered that the denunciation (dénonciation) of this treaty is obligatory in some sense upon this high functionary, the corps legislatif, whose decisions he must respect, defend, and execute, having consecrated similar dispositions in the law of October 6, 1876.”

We demanded on the other hand, as was just and natural, that the treaty should be modified by the common accord of the two contracting parties, for we could not admit that the public powers of Hayti, of their own exclusive authority, should put [Page 316] aside, by a local law, the international conventions which were excluded from the local jurisdiction of either of the contracting parties. We desired very much to begin at once the reform of the treaty, doing justice, as much as possible, to the pretensions ‘of the Haytian Government; but we sustain the validity of the treaty, as the necessary starting point, so that the new conventions might carry in them the guarantee of the reciprocally guarded faith indispensable to their own validity and their future solidity. Here, then, is the variation made by us in the sense and to the letter of the proposition of the Haytian minister, by form of counter-proposition:

“To proceed to the immediate execution of the treaty in the part which, by its non-fulfillment,, affects the public peace, the security and the legal order existing in the Dominican Republic, and to adopt the same treaty as the starting point for the stipulation of new bases, by the means of which remain, from that time, in suspense, the clauses judged prejudicial to the interests of either of the contracting parties, and in course of execution all the other clauses until the definitive formation of new conventions.”

“This formula,” we added in our dispatch of July 17th, addressed to the secretary of foreign affairs, “would offer the advantage of causing to cease without delay all the causes of distrust, coldness, and malevolence by which are strained to-day the relations of the two countries; the principle of the inalienability of the territory would remain ipso facto, agreed to conformably to what the government established in the third proposition of the verbal communication which is in substance the tenor of the third article of the treaty of 1874, and so also the delimitation of the frontiers would become obligatory in the same form consecrated by article 4 of the same treaty.”

The secretary of state, in a conference held with us the 21st, expressed to us the absolute impossibility of admitting the validity of the treaty, and promised us a written answer by the 25th. This date passed without result; we then notified the minister, according to his verbal declaration of the 21st, that our conscience, our instructions, and the dignity of the Dominican Republic not permitting us to consent to the counter-judicial sense of not absolutely recognizing the obligations of the treaty; having the conviction that all delay not justified in our negotiations is equivalent to a moral complicity in the revolts and machinations which flourish in Hayti against our country, we were obliged to declare the negotiations finished and to return to Santo Domingo by the occasion fixed upon to-day the 27th, and we have closed our communication to the Haytian minister with these final paragraphs:

“Let it be known, Mr. Minister, before the Haytian people, before all the enlightened nations, before God, and before the civilized world, that while in Hayti are put aside “the subsidiary obligations, and the commercial franchises stipulated between the two republics; while in Hayti a solemn conviction which fraternally united the two sovereign peoples of the Island, has been disowned and denied; while in Hayti have been carefully nourished and guarded the elements of the bloody intestine struggles of the Dominicans in giving illimited asylum and assuring the impunity of the conspirators; in indefinitely retaining arms which belong to the Dominican Republic—the Dominican Government has made two infructuous attempts to re-establish peace, and to cement frank and loyal relations between the two states.”

The minister answered us under date of yesterday, confirming to us his verbal declaration relative to the nullity of the treaty.

This is the condition in which the relations of the Dominican Republic remain with Hayti: The Haytian Government, retrenching itself in a non-political sense, denies all at once the obligations which the public faith engaged in a solemn treaty impose upon it, and the simple duties of good neighborhood according to the law of nations. The treaty disowned, signifies the reserve of a liberty of illimited action in maintaining the revolt on the Dominican frontier, and the conspiration against our republic at the capital of Hayti. We pray you to please take note of this situation, and to render an account thereof to your respective governments, so that they may in advance be provided with the information necessary to appreciate with justice future eventualities.

We have the honor, Messieurs les Représentants, to offer to you the assurances of our very distinguished consideration.

  • FELIPE D. F. de CASTRO.
  • MANUEL de J. GALVAN.