The general admits that he had a private conference with the President, but
nothing was proposed or arranged, except the frank recognition of the
necessity of peace and order.
However indefinite the results of the conference between the President and
General Mitre, it is considered by the business portion of the country as
one step, at least, toward reconciliation, peace, and good
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order, and perhaps prevented an outbreak, which
it is now claimed was ready and in force to the number of six thousand armed
men, and would have taken place on the night of the 10th instant, had it not
been for the course pursued by General Mitre.
[Inclosure.]
Manifesto of General Mitre.
[From the Standard, May 13.]
In consequence of recent events, and the responsibilities assumed by me,
I feel bound to address my political friends.
In the first place, I have been solely inspired by love of country, and
have consulted the glory of my party in its relations with the general
welfare.
I therefore repeat what I declared three years ago, when confined in a
dungeon after the September revolution, that, “Victories, to be
beneficial for all parties, must be legitimate and fertile, because
outside the dominion of right all is violence.”
Since we were overpowered by force we have upheld the banner of our right
laying down our arms at Jan into restore peace to the country.
Persecuted as we have been and excluded from office, ruled by force and
disinherited of our rights, we protested against such outlawry; we
maintained what we consider right, and contributed as far as possible
toward a constitutional policy which would pacify the country and
restore public confidence.
Under these circumstances, the governor of Buenos Ayres has come forward
to condemn the fraudulent elections which have reduced the country to
its present condition, and proclaimed the necessity of purifying popular
suffrage, so as to guarantee all parties in the enjoyment of
constitutional life.
Almost simultaneously the President of the republic (in an incomplete
manner) solemnly proclaimed “the urgency of the national government
guaranteeing public security by the enactment of wise laws to prevent
frequent recourse to exceptional and precarious measures, such as state
of siege.”
President Avellaneda further admits that there is a general feeling of
uneasiness, showing the abnormal state of affairs; and that an important
political party in Buenos Ayres keep aloof from all share of public
life, adding that “one party cannot absorb public life without governing
in a despotic manner, since the exclusion of parliamentary discussion
leads to intrigue in secret.”
Finally, the President declares a policy of oblivion, and condemns the
bastard policy of such governments as leave elections in the hands of
factions.
It is for the triumph of such ideas, the abolition of political monopoly,
of electioneering governments, of usurping oligarchies, of exceptional
and precarious measures, of despotic rule, that we have fought, that we
mean to fight, to fight to the last. Therefore, the proclamation of our
principles, from the mouths of those who have forgotten or neglected the
rules of good government, is the fullest justification of our conduct
and a moral trial for civic constancy.
Although the facts do not correspond with the promises, and the amnesty
is unacceptable since it is not unrestricted, I consider that the
promises modify the situation, at least externally.
It has been therefore our duty to listen to proposals of an arrangement
which will place the country in constitutional order. Before taking on
myself the responsibility of such a step, I requested my friends to
maintain order till we obtained moral guarantees, the only ones we could
expect, that the facts would come to confirm the solemn
declarations.
A private conference which I have had with, the President of the republic
authorizes me to hope that his acts will be up to his promises. We have
arranged or proposed nothing, except a frank recognition of the
necessity to pacify the country and restore constitutional order.
On my part, I pointed out to the President—
- 1.
- That the amnesty must be a general oblivion on both sides, and
unrestricted.
- 2.
- That our party coveted neither power nor emoluments, but
declined all participation in the present political régime, seeking only freedom of suffrage
so as to restore republican principles to their proper
efficacy.
- 3.
- That we hoped the President’s acts would fulfill his promises,
and that hereon depended our future attitude.
The President, in reply, expressed in general torms that his promises
meant a new
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policy, which he had
wished for during the last three years, and that he would spare no
efforts to carry it out and make it productive of good results.
Such was, in brief, the purport of our conference, both of us speaking
frankly of the requirements of the time; and in conclusion, I assured
his excellency that as our conference was the first step toward
pacification, it only remained for him to, make his-deeds correspondent
with his declarations.
What evermay be the results, we have given unquestioned proof of
patriotism and good will. Let those who have promised a new political
era of truth and justice fulfill their engagements with sincerity.
Meantime let us maintain our attitude of protest, and give our party a
political organization, either to continue our civic resistance as
heretofore for our unrecognized rights, or to enter upon the pacific
struggle within the limits of the constitution as soon as it becomes a
reality for us all.
Wishing happiness to all my friends, I remain,
