No. 11.
Mr. Osborn to Mr. Evarts.

No. 141.]

Sir: I inclose herewith a printed copy of the manifesto of General Mitre, leader of the opposition to the present administration, to his friends and the public, in relation to the present difficulties, and the responsibilities which he assumed in attempting to adjust them and to pacify the country and restore constitutional order.

The general admits that he had a private conference with the President, but nothing was proposed or arranged, except the frank recognition of the necessity of peace and order.

However indefinite the results of the conference between the President and General Mitre, it is considered by the business portion of the country as one step, at least, toward reconciliation, peace, and good [Page 11] order, and perhaps prevented an outbreak, which it is now claimed was ready and in force to the number of six thousand armed men, and would have taken place on the night of the 10th instant, had it not been for the course pursued by General Mitre.

I am, &c.,

THOS. O. OSBORN.
[Inclosure.]

Manifesto of General Mitre.

[From the Standard, May 13.]

In consequence of recent events, and the responsibilities assumed by me, I feel bound to address my political friends.

In the first place, I have been solely inspired by love of country, and have consulted the glory of my party in its relations with the general welfare.

I therefore repeat what I declared three years ago, when confined in a dungeon after the September revolution, that, “Victories, to be beneficial for all parties, must be legitimate and fertile, because outside the dominion of right all is violence.”

Since we were overpowered by force we have upheld the banner of our right laying down our arms at Jan into restore peace to the country. Persecuted as we have been and excluded from office, ruled by force and disinherited of our rights, we protested against such outlawry; we maintained what we consider right, and contributed as far as possible toward a constitutional policy which would pacify the country and restore public confidence.

Under these circumstances, the governor of Buenos Ayres has come forward to condemn the fraudulent elections which have reduced the country to its present condition, and proclaimed the necessity of purifying popular suffrage, so as to guarantee all parties in the enjoyment of constitutional life.

Almost simultaneously the President of the republic (in an incomplete manner) solemnly proclaimed “the urgency of the national government guaranteeing public security by the enactment of wise laws to prevent frequent recourse to exceptional and precarious measures, such as state of siege.”

President Avellaneda further admits that there is a general feeling of uneasiness, showing the abnormal state of affairs; and that an important political party in Buenos Ayres keep aloof from all share of public life, adding that “one party cannot absorb public life without governing in a despotic manner, since the exclusion of parliamentary discussion leads to intrigue in secret.”

Finally, the President declares a policy of oblivion, and condemns the bastard policy of such governments as leave elections in the hands of factions.

It is for the triumph of such ideas, the abolition of political monopoly, of electioneering governments, of usurping oligarchies, of exceptional and precarious measures, of despotic rule, that we have fought, that we mean to fight, to fight to the last. Therefore, the proclamation of our principles, from the mouths of those who have forgotten or neglected the rules of good government, is the fullest justification of our conduct and a moral trial for civic constancy.

Although the facts do not correspond with the promises, and the amnesty is unacceptable since it is not unrestricted, I consider that the promises modify the situation, at least externally.

It has been therefore our duty to listen to proposals of an arrangement which will place the country in constitutional order. Before taking on myself the responsibility of such a step, I requested my friends to maintain order till we obtained moral guarantees, the only ones we could expect, that the facts would come to confirm the solemn declarations.

A private conference which I have had with, the President of the republic authorizes me to hope that his acts will be up to his promises. We have arranged or proposed nothing, except a frank recognition of the necessity to pacify the country and restore constitutional order.

On my part, I pointed out to the President—

1.
That the amnesty must be a general oblivion on both sides, and unrestricted.
2.
That our party coveted neither power nor emoluments, but declined all participation in the present political régime, seeking only freedom of suffrage so as to restore republican principles to their proper efficacy.
3.
That we hoped the President’s acts would fulfill his promises, and that hereon depended our future attitude.

The President, in reply, expressed in general torms that his promises meant a new [Page 12] policy, which he had wished for during the last three years, and that he would spare no efforts to carry it out and make it productive of good results.

Such was, in brief, the purport of our conference, both of us speaking frankly of the requirements of the time; and in conclusion, I assured his excellency that as our conference was the first step toward pacification, it only remained for him to, make his-deeds correspondent with his declarations.

What evermay be the results, we have given unquestioned proof of patriotism and good will. Let those who have promised a new political era of truth and justice fulfill their engagements with sincerity.

Meantime let us maintain our attitude of protest, and give our party a political organization, either to continue our civic resistance as heretofore for our unrecognized rights, or to enter upon the pacific struggle within the limits of the constitution as soon as it becomes a reality for us all.

Wishing happiness to all my friends, I remain,

BARTOLOMÉ MITRE.