[Inclosure.—Translation.]
Letter from Porto Pico, published in “La Epoca,”
Madrid, March 8, 1874.
Porto
Rico, February 12,
1874.
President Serrano’s cabinet have made a most excellent selection in
appointing General Sanz as governor-general of this island. Had it not
been for this appointment and for the taking of Cartagena, many
misfortunes would have happened in Porto Rico. At a first glance it
seems as if Cartagena had nothing to do with this province. We shall
see, however, that we have been on the point of having partisans of
Contreras here.
The nine months that we had of rebel propagandism greatly excited the
minds of the people of this island, who are as impressionable as they
are innocent in political matters. On seeing the military officers
banished who had most distinguished themselves by their attitude at
Lares, or by the identity of their views with those of the Spanish
party; on seeing deported to the little island of Vieques the only
member of the expelled party who returned; on seeing that the reform
press were permitted loudly to demand the disarming of the volunteers
and of the civil guard; on seeing the disorganization of compulsory
labor and the annulment of the contracts for three years to which the
freedmen were subjected by the law of emancipation; on seeing provincial
and municipal interests intrusted to unskillful, utilitarian, and
insolvent hands; on seeing the plague of office-seeking developed with a
celerity the like of Which had never before been known; on seeing the
scandals caused by political manifestations, which were not prevented by
the authorities, and which hauled down the Spanish flag with impunity at
San German and other places; on hearing the filibuster cry of “Hurrah
for free Porto Rico!” raised before the very eyes of the
captain-general, who was haranguing a crowd composed mainly of negroes;
on seeing a military officer of high rank acting as vice-president of a
federal reform committee presided over by one of the amnestied actors at
Lares; on seeing the Jesuits’ college basely attacked, not because they
were Jesuits, but because they were Spaniards; on seeing the secret
societies (which here are always promoters of filibusterism, whether
called masonic Or otherwise) making threatening demonstrations in the
public prints and at public meetings; on seeing the civil guard stripped
of its powers and wholly under the control of alcaldes belonging to the
reform party; on seeing the captain-general taking turns with the
negroes at his balls and his greased-pole games; on seeing, in a word,
these and similar abuses permitted, encouraged, and even applauded by
the authorities, the audacity of federals, secessionists, and demagogues
rose to such a height that the least spark would have been sufficient to
cause a conflagration had it fallen upon this pile of combustible
material.
On the 13th of February news reached this island, via Havana, of the
downfall of the federal Cortes, which were dissolved without effusion of
blood, and almost fell to pieces of themselves at the mere sight of the
bayonets of the intrepid General Pavia. The news was joyfully received
here by the unconditional Spaniards, and with terror by those who are
Spaniards only on certain conditions. The blow was a fatal one for the
reform federal party of Porto Rico. This was undoubtedly the reason why
the wire-pullers, at once began to console their friends by means of a
thousand fables, each one more alarming than its predecessor. Some said
that the constituent Cortes had transferred their sessions to Saragossa,
where they held the reins of government and were the only legitimate
authority in Spain. Others asserted that the entire southern half of the
peninsula had risen in a cantonal insurrection. Some said that the
illustrious Duke de la Torre and his companions had been dragged through
the streets. Others that the besieging army at Cartagena had been routed
by the intransigentes.
To all this the reform press, or, in other words, that which was
considered here as the ministerial press, said in every tone that the
government “created by the fourteen thousand bayonets of Pavia was an
illegitimate government.” “To which of the governments of Spain do we
owe obedience?” asked the so-called federal reform papers; “to that of
Contreras, that of Don Carlos, that of Serrano, or that of the
legitimate constituent Cortes?” And the panic spread among the good, and
the audacity of the bad increased. Next came the news that, in a certain
village, the alcaldes of the vicinity were holding meetings, at late
hours of the night, in the interest of filibusterism, and that these
meetings were attended by men whose hostility to Spain and to all
orderly government was well known; and it was said that, in certain
localities, companies of rebelliously-disposed persons had been formed,
and that, after having chosen captains, officers, sergeants, corporals,
and even commanders, they were being drilled in musket-firing. Places
were pointed out where guns had been introduced, and stories were-told
of strange men who had ridden through the various jurisdictions at full
speed, circulating documents supposed to have been issued by General
Primo de Rivera.
Meantime, other circumstances rendered the attitude of the authorities
more suspicious. One spoke of mysterious interviews; another of
emissaries sent to the rural
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districts; another of proclamations in which it was stated that there
was no government in Spain, and that the conduct of Pavia and Serrano
was iniquitous. Finally, counsel and support were asked of the
town-hoards.
Be the facts as they may, what seems most true is that news unfavorable
to the government was received on the 24th via the United States, and
this news was sent by telegraph to the town-boards, and on the 25th the
following notice was posted up in all the towns, in the most conspicuous
places:
“His excellency, the superior
governor, addresses to me the following telegram, bearing date
of to day: ‘Reports have been circulated at the capital both in
favor of and against the present situation. I know nothing
officially. Foreign papers say that Barcelona has risen against
the government of Serrano; that the fortress of Monjuich has
opened fire on Barcelona; that Cartagena has repulsed an attack
that Portugalete is in the hands of the Carlists, and Bilbao
bombarded. Nothing can be believed; but the situation of Spain
is worsen than ever; let this serve us as an example to maintain
order, and to obey the laws and the legitimate
authorities.
‘PRIMO DE RIVERA’”
We will not closely examine the spirit of this communication. It is
unnecessary.
At last came the 26th, a sad day for the ultra reform party. Submarine
communication between Ponce and Jamaica had just been opened by means of
a new cable instead of the old one, which had been broken. The first
news received by the new cable was that Cartagena had surrendered, and
that General Sanz had been appointed captain-general of Porto Rico. A
thunderbolt falling among a herd would not have produced so magical an
effect as did this important news. The piratical flag, around which the
disintegrating elements of our society intended to rally, had fallen in
shreds before the guns of General Lopez Dominguez; the name most beloved
by the good and most feared by the bad, that has ever been known in this
province, had crossed the Atlantic.
The scene was at once changed. Those who expected to disturb the public
order and to unite their forces under the shadow of a political standard
and under the protection of a superior authority, blinded by party
spirit, trembled. There was no longer time for anything. The telegram
said that General Sanz had sailed, and, consequently, in from four to
six days, he would be here at the head of an army, and of a force of
volunteers who adored him. What was to be done? The captain-general
sounded the retreat by publishing in the Gaceta of the 27th the fact
that Cartagena had surrendered. He concealed nothing but the coming of
General Sanz.
But, if this checked the revolutionary elements in their way to ruin, it
was not sufficient to destroy the impulse which they had received.
Suspicious meetings multiplied. Mr. Primo de Rivera understood his own
situation and that of the country which he had disturbed, and, on the
31st of January, he published in the Gaceta a circular, which made noble
amends for his previous errors.
“The report is circulated,” said he, addressing the alcaldes, “that there
is a project on foot to disturb public order.
You will immediately adopt all necessary prudential and repressive
measures to dissipate these rumors, and if the smallest fact gives
ground for them, you will avail yourself of the aid of the civil guard,
of the volunteers, and of the army, adopting all such measures of
vigilance and of repression as the case may require. Public order is not
to be disturbed for a single moment. The alcaldes will be personally
responsible to me for this.”
This document, it must be confessed, was received with disdain by some
and with concentrated anger and indignation by others. To the former it
was too late; to the latter it appeared to be a desertion, as if there
was a Spaniard capable of betraying his country.
Hereupon the 2d day of February arrived. The steamer Isla de Cuba entered
in the morning, having on board the wished-for general.
The inhabitants were animated; the shops were closed in order that the
volunteers might go to receive the general to whom the country owes so
much. An immense number of people repaired to the wharves to welcome his
excellency.
But here occurred an incident already foreseen. Mr. Primo de Rivera
refused to give up the command, under the pretext either that he had not
received or that he was not willing to receive orders to that effect
from Madrid. The upright of the authorities assembled. General Sanz,
having been made acquainted with these scruples, sent his credentials to
Primo de Rivera. All this delayed the hour of landing. The second in
command gave orders for the troops to form, and, under the pressure of
circumstances, Mr. Rivera concluded to give up the command, not to
General Sanz, but to Brigadier Enrile, who immediately went to receive
the new captain-general.
Never has the city of Porto Rico received a governor with so much joy,
with so many demonstrations of pleasure, and with such a large and
intelligent gathering of spectators as those with which it received
General Sanz. Scarcely had the ceremony terminated of delivering the
keys at the gate of San Justo, which is at a pistol-shot arf, when
thousands of voices hurrahed with indescribable enthusiasm
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for the new superior
authority. Even the negroes shouted, “Long live the liberator of Porto
Rico!” “Long live our captain-general!” “Long live General Sanz!” When
this officer had arrived at the cathedral, passing between two long
files of soldiers and volunteers, who with the greatest affection paid
him the honors due to his high rank, the temple was crowded with the
people of the town to such an extent that many individuals had to remain
outside. Many balconies were spontaneously decorated with tapestries of
the Spanish flag. At night a popular band of music struck up a serenade,
which was afterward continued by the military and volunteer bands.
But the popularity of the new governor was instantly increased on the
publication of his magnificent and magnanimous proclamations to the
inhabitants, soldiers, and volunteers of Porto Rico. Order, union,
morality, adherence to the nationality, forgetfulness of the past, these
were the synthesis of those documents. Although I know that your
enlightened journal must needs receive and publish those remarkable
documents, I cannot forbear to copy the following beautiful passage,
which has turned not a few hearts in favor of Mr. Sanz:
“I come not to cause tears to be shed on account of violent repressions,
but to dry them up with voluntary solicitude; I come not to impose
slavery again, as you have been told, but to render effective your
liberty, to which I have contributed by my vote as a deputy of Porto
Rico; I come not to augment differences of opinion, but to exert myself
to have them disappear forever; I come not to awaken ancient
dissensions, but to extinguish, by means of forgetfulness, any error
which has a tendency to destroy our common nationality, any design which
may have been entertained in disregard of your interests or to the
injury of Spain.
“Integrity of our country, union of all Spaniards, toleration of all
opinions, austere morality in administration, these are my
programme.”
As soon as he assumed command the new governor went to work with that
nervous activity which characterizes him to restore this agitated
community to its normal condition. It is true that he has an intelligent
and experienced auxiliary in Mr. Diz Romero, appointed secretary of this
government. On the same day that he arrived the general ordered the
directors of the press of the capital to be called before him, and told
them that every newspaper which should speak against the national
integrity or against the constituted government, or should fling to the
winds of publicity seditious writings, having a tendency to disturb
order, would be suppressed, and of its director would be exacted the
proper responsibility. Under this plain admonition the incendiary press
kept silence. The Progreso, which on the day before had announced its
disappearance for want of subscribers, ceased to be published. The
Canta-Claro and the Diablillo Rojo, of Ponce, uncompromising organs of
insular federalism, of their own accord also failed to see the light of
day.
On the 3d the “Gaceta” published a brief decree, suspending in this
province articles 2d, 5th, and 6th, and paragraphs 1st, 2d, and 3d of
the 17th, of Title I of the constitution. The federalists had not
recovered from this confusing blow when, in the following number of the
“Gaceta,” that of the 5th, was published adecree, laconic and
expressive, like all those of General Sanz, in virtue of which the
provincial deputation has been dissolved and another has been appointed,
composed of the most distinguished persons in the country, at the head
of which has been placed the Marquis de la Esperanza, that illustrious
son of Porto Rico who has made so many sacrifices to bear aloft in this
land the Spanish flag. Two days afterward, on the 7th instant, there
appeared in the official newspaper another decree dissolving the
insolvent municipal councils which existed, and appointing others chosen
from the principal landholders of each-locality, always endeavoring to
put in these corporations a majority of natives of the country, without
caring, provided they were orderly persons of property, whether they
belonged to the reformist party or not.
All these measures, effected one after another with prudence and
rapidity, have disconcerted the neo-federalist party, and communicated
consistency and vigor to the Spanish party. The country, oppressed and
annoyed by the insupportable taxes imposed upon it by its regenerators,
has consented with thanks and contentment to other necessary
counter-reform taxes. I think that if General Sanz continues here as
long as he ought, tranquillity, wealth, and happiness must be restored
to this unfortunate country.
Already the superior authority referred to has ordered to be undertaken
with energy the construction of a road from, here to Ponce, an
indispensable highway, which will communicate life and abundance to many
fertile valleys that now lie isolated in the interior. Already, too, he
has begun to effect savings as to the number of officials by abolishing
the three protectors of freedmen, whose compensation was $7,500, and
appointing representative persons to fulfill the duties honorarily.
Well does the reputable, honest General Sanz begin his second
administration. I know not whether filibusterism will venture to make
its appearance soon. It is possible. Some time since there was talk of
large sums held by the separatists abroad for the purpose of bringing
four simultaneous expeditions to light up the flames of
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civil war at the four most strategic
points of the sea-coast. But I know that the general is following with
avidity the trail of those intrigues, and that if a Virginius “should
make its appearance here, there will also be Costillas and Burriels. In
short, I can assure you that the great majority of the country is with
Spain, and with her worthy representative, General Sanz. All from our
inmost hearts thank the government presided over by the–
Duke de la Torre for the excellent choice it has made in sending to us
for governor of this island him whom its capital had three consecutive
times elected to represent the Spanish party in the Cortes of the
nation.
As respects the military, the captain-general has not yet adopted any
important measures, as he is awaiting his chief of staff, Colonel Don
Manuel Cortes, sent for a third time to Havana on account of intrigues
of filibusterism. But his excellency has already caused to be brought
from Ponce and Mayaguez the two thousand muskets which Mr. Primo de
Rivera had withdrawn from this post, leaving it without any reserve.
With the muskets have come 140,000 cartridges, which had been taken with
them.
I finish this letter by saying that the departing general began to make
his expiation on embarking. Nobody, not even his aides or his friends,
accompanied him. He went alone, sad and abandoned, on board of the
Pizarro, at the same time that Mr. Sanz was the subject of the
enthusiastic ovation which has been referred to.
