60. Editorial Note

On September 11, 1981, Secretary of State Alexander Haig departed Washington for Marabella, Spain, in order to meet with Deputy Prime Minister Crown Prince Fahd of Saudi Arabia on September 12. Haig then flew to Belgrade to meet with Yugoslavian President Sergji Kraigher and other Yugoslavian officials, September 12–13. On September 13, Haig addressed the Berlin Press Association in West Berlin, before departing for Bonn in order to meet with West German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, September 13–14. Documentation on Haig’s meetings with Fahd, Kraigher, and Genscher, are scheduled for publication in Foreign Relations, 1981–1988, volume XXII, Middle East Region; Arabian Peninsula; Foreign Relations, 1981–1988, volume X, Eastern Europe; and Foreign Relations, 1981–1988, volume VII, Western Europe, 1981–1984, respectively.

Earlier, in a September 8 memorandum to Department of State speechwriter Harvey Sicherman, Director of the Policy Planning Staff Paul Wolfowitz discussed Haig’s upcoming address before the Berlin Press Association. He expressed his belief that it was “essential for the Berlin speech explicitly to reaffirm U.S. commitment to defend West Berlin and support for the Four-Power Agreement.” He continued, “According to Reuters, August 21, a West German Government spokesman said Haig is ‘expected to renew the U.S. commitment to West Berlin’s freedom and security,’ to ‘stress the special ties between the United States and Berlin and affirm Washington’s support for the 1971 Four-Power Agreement.’ The Secretary himself is quoted in Saturday’s [September 4] New York Times as saying ‘When I go to Europe I’m going first to West Berlin and I will give a speech and it’s designed to be a reaffirmation of the American commitment to the freedom of the city. That is a historic requirement and one which I take very seriously.’”

Before suggesting additional language to be inserted into the address, Wolfowitz stressed: “If the speech does not follow through on these promises, we will invite extremely unwelcome speculation. I understand that Genscher has specifically requested this point to be made.” (Department of State, Executive Secretariat, S/P Files, Memoranda and Correspondence from the Director of the Policy Planning Staff to the [Page 209] Secretary and Other Seventh Floor Principals: Lot 89D149, S/P Chrons PW 9/1–10/81) Haig’s comments about the upcoming address were made within the context of a September 3 interview, of which the New York Times printed excerpts on September 5. (“Excerpts From Views Expressed by Haig,” New York Times, September 5, 1981, page 4)

Haig began his September 13 address by emphasizing the importance of individual rights and the “balance between individual freedom and the common good.” Noting that the “democratic revolution” served as the “best hope for human progress,” he claimed that the Western democracies “have a unique privilege—and a compelling obligation—to promulgate their own revolutionary doctrine throughout the world.” The democratic revolution, however, faced multiple challenges: “a loss of faith” that democracies could address issues of the 1980s; the application of double standards for international conduct; and the posing of “a false dichotomy” between social progress and security.

After discussing these challenges in detail, Haig returned to the question of Germany and its place within the future of the democratic revolution. Having begun his remarks by characterizing the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 as “dramatic evidence” of “one view of the human condition,” he emphasized: “We have recently observed the 20th anniversary of the Berlin Wall and the 10th anniversary of the signing of the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin. The progress achieved in the decade between these two events was made possible by Western determination to maintain the security and the freedom of the city, while at the same time seeking practical improvements in the lives of its inhabitants.

“The Quadripartite Agreement is a reminder of what East and West can achieve by negotiation. And it is a reminder to us that such success can only be achieved by Western perseverance and unity. The unity of the Western allies, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Berliners themselves, has been one of the major reasons for the continued freedom and prosperity of Berlin over the past 35 years. Americans are proud of their role in maintaining the freedom of Berlin and in protecting stability in and around the city. Our commitment in Berlin remains one of the cornerstones of American engagement in Europe.

“It has been said before that free Berlin is an island of liberty in a sea of totalitarianism. Here there is a free press; on the other side of that hideous wall there is none. Here there is freedom of speech; a few kilometers away there is none. In free Berlin, you elect those who are to govern; in East Berlin elections are a mockery. And here Berliners are free to assemble and to demonstrate on behalf of their beliefs; East Berliners could not conceive of such liberty.

“It has not escaped my notice that my presence here today has brought into the streets West Berliners who think less well of me and [Page 210] my country than I would wish. In one sense I obviously regret those demonstrations. But in a far more important sense, we should all draw deep satisfaction from what they tell us about the strength of democracy and the commitment to democratic institutions in this part of Berlin. All the anguish, all the struggle, and all the determination of the allies, the Federal Republic of Germany, and West Berliners have expended over the years to keep this city free have been worth the price.

“Many years ago Voltaire, in speaking of another revolution, said, ‘I disagree with what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it.’ On behalf of my country—and on behalf of the several hundreds of thousands of my countrymen serving in our armed forces in Europe—let me close by saying that even when we disagree with what you say, we are prepared to defend to the death your right to say it.” (Department of State Bulletin, November 1981, pages 44–47)

Following his address, Haig took part in a question-and-answer session; for the text, see ibid., pages 47–49. During a news conference in Bonn on September 14, following his conversation with Genscher, Haig underscored that his visit to the Federal Republic of Germany “also afforded me an opportunity yesterday in West Berlin to underline unequivocally the unswerving and continuing support of the United States of America and of President Reagan’s Administration for the continued freedom, vitality, and well-being of the free city of West Berlin.” (Ibid., page 49)