185. Editorial Note
On February 15, 1984, Secretary of State George Shultz spoke before the Boston World Affairs Council. He began his remarks by stating: “Many Americans have images of Africa that are anachronistic, partial, and often inaccurate. The perception of Africa that most of us grew up with—unknown lands somehow exotic and divorced from the rest of the world—has unfortunately persisted in some quarters despite the last 25 years of Africa’s independence and increasing presence [Page 763] on the world stage. It is a misperception that ignores compelling realities. One out of every eight people in the world now lives in Africa, and this proportion is growing. Africa, south of the Sahara—which is my principal concern this evening—is taking on increasing importance in several respects.
“First, we have a significant geopolitical stake in the security of the continent and the seas surrounding it. Off its shores lie important trade routes, including those carrying most of the energy resources needed by our European allies. We are affected when Soviets, Cubans, and Libyans seek to expand their influence on the continent by force, to the detriment of both African independence and Western interests.
“Second, Africa is part of the global economic system. If Africa’s economies are in trouble, the reverberations are felt here. Our exports to Africa have dropped by 50% in the last 3 years; American financial institutions have felt the pinch of African inability to repay loans. And Africa is a major source of raw materials crucial to the world economy.
“Third, Africa is important to us politically because the nations of Africa are now major players in world diplomacy. They comprise nearly one-third of the membership of the United Nations, where they form the most cohesive voting bloc in the General Assembly.
“Finally, Africa is important to us, most of all, in human terms. Eleven percent of America’s population traces its roots to Africa; all of us live in a society profoundly influenced by this human and cultural heritage. The revolution of Africa’s independence coincided with the civil rights revolution in this country. Perhaps it was not a coincidence. Both were among the great moral events of this century: a rebirth of freedom, summoning all of us to a recognition of our common humanity. Just as the continued progress of civil rights is important to the moral well-being of this country, so too the human drama of Africa—its political and economic future—is important to the kind of world we want our children and grandchildren to inherit.”
Shultz then outlined the economic crisis facing African nations and the U.S. response to the crisis before discussing regional security issues: “Tonight, I have focused on the role we have to play in confronting Africa’s economic crisis. But I cannot ignore the other concerns. Africa needs stability and an end to conflict to get on with the important tasks of national development. Many African nations face real security threats. New and fragile political institutions are particularly vulnerable. Where economies falter and fail to provide the basics of existence and hopes for a better future, political instability can result. It is difficult for democracy to flourish; authoritarian solutions may appear more attractive but often only serve to make problems worse while circumscribing human and political rights.
[Page 764]“In this environment, outside powers are tempted to exploit instability. There is no excuse for some 35,000 Cuban troops in Africa—trained, equipped, financed, and transported by the Soviet Union—inserting themselves into local conflicts, and thereby internationalizing local problems. This Soviet/Cuban meddling has no precedent; it distorts Africa’s nonalignment; it injects an East-West dimension where none should be, making fair solutions harder to achieve.
“We do not view Africa through the prism of East-West rivalry. On the other hand, Africa does not exist on some other planet. It is very much part of today’s world. Africa helps to shape the global structure—through its economic expansion or decline, by its weight in international forums, through its expanding web of bilateral and multilateral links with the major powers, and through its conflicts. At the same time, it is shaped by the global structure—by the shifts in the global balance of power, by the broader marketplace of ideas and technologies, and by the readiness of predators and partners to contribute to or detract from its development. We, and Africa, ignore these facts at our peril.
“We are not the gendarmes of Africa. But to stand by and do nothing when friendly states are threatened by our own adversaries would only erode our credibility as a bulwark against aggression not only in Africa but elsewhere. Therefore, we have been ready, together with others, to provide training and arms to help our friends defend themselves.
“And we act rapidly when the situation demands. Last summer, when Chad was again invaded by Libyan troops, we rushed military supplies to the legitimate government there and helped halt the Libyan advance. Libya’s destabilization efforts have come to be an unfortunate fact of African existence. It is an unacceptable fact. We will continue to work with others to help African states resist Qadhafi’s overt aggression and covert subversion.
“In West and Central Africa as well as in the Horn—that critically important area which sits on Africa’s right shoulder along the Red Sea—we help our friends, and we protect our own strategic interests. We encourage the regional parties to seek their own peaceful solutions to local conflicts.
“We continue to emphasize, as we should, economic and humanitarian assistance over military aid. This year the ratio will continue at five to one. The Soviets, of course, provide minimal economic assistance to sub-Saharan Africa and rarely participate in humanitarian relief. They seek to buy their influence in Africa through the provision of arms. In the past decade, Moscow has contributed less than 1% of Africa’s foreign economic assistance but has sold or provided 75% of its weapons.”
Shultz devoted the remainder of his address to a discussion of Southern Africa before concluding his remarks: “If I may leave you [Page 765] with one message, it would be that America takes Africa and its problems seriously. We see a direct relationship between Africa’s political and economic stability and the health of the Western world. We are committed to working with our African friends, and with the international community, to help Africa overcome its problems.”
“It is in our self-interest that we do so. And it is morally right. It is in the best tradition of America.” (Department of State Bulletin, April 1984, pages 9–12)