175. Telegram From the Embassy in India to the Department of State1

5892. State pass NSC/Thornton. Subject: Letter to the President from Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

1. S–Entire text.

2. Ministry External Affairs Joint Secretary (Americas) D’Souza March 21 gave DCM copy of Mrs. Gandhi’s letter dated 12 March. Original has been pouched on March 14 by MEA to Indian Embassy Washington for delivery.

3. D’Souza said last para of text had not been in MEA draft and had been personally added by Mrs. Gandhi.

4. Begin text.

New Delhi

March 12, 1980

Dear Mr. President,

Thank you for your letter of the 14th January.2 Since then I have had the opportunity of meeting your special envoy, Mr. Clark Clifford.3 I appreciate your consideration in sending him to India to discuss matters which are of special concern to us.

We do attach importance to Indo-American relations and wish to strengthen them. They have already assumed diverse and extensive dimensions, and I believe that there is considerable potential for their expansion even though our overall perceptions on various matters may not always converge. Such differences in assessment are not unusual between two democratic countries which have to take into account differing national interests and compulsions. However, I feel that this should not stand in the way of extending and strengthening the existing bilateral cooperation between our two countries.

Our discussions with Mr. Clifford have given us a fairly clear picture of your views on recent developments in this region. Mr. Clifford must have reported to you on our own thinking. There are divergences in our approach, but we also share some common ground and it would be useful for us to continue this dialogue.

[Page 462]

We have discussed the Afghan situation with a number of distinguished leaders who have visited India since I assumed office. Our representatives have gone to meet leaders of our neighboring countries. In these crucial times it is important to have a better understanding of their views on problems of direct and immediate relevance to this region. We have also had discussion with your government. These discussions have given us an insight into the thinking of a representative cross section of world opinion, and in particular, of the parties most intimately concerned with current developments. I should like to share with you some general impressions that have crystalized as a result of these discussions.

Our basic approach to this situation was spelt out in the joint declaration that I signed with the President of France on January 27, 1980.4 The principles enunciated in that document constitute the bed-rock of our position and, in fact, should provide the basis for a satisfactory solution. As envisaged in the Indo-French joint declaration, it has been our consistent endeavor to defuse tension in the region and create a climate of confidence.

Our Foreign Secretary visited Islamabad for detailed discussions with leaders of Pakistan. He carried an unqualified assurance from me and my government that Pakistan had nothing to fear from India. India understands their present anxiety and their concern for their security. Regrettably, however, Pakistan’s response was less than forthcoming, and they made no corresponding effort to reciprocate. As an example, Pakistan’s insistence on referring to the Kashmir question in international fora in a propagandist and agitational manner, most recently in the Islamic Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Islamabad,5 can hardly be said to conform to the spirit of the Simla Agreement. Nor can it bring about a better climate in the relationship between India and Pakistan. Nevertheless, we shall pursue our objective of normalizing relations with Pakistan.

Mr. President, we are against all forms of foreign interference particularly in the affairs of non-aligned countries. We feel that all nations involved should cease such activities. We are concerned that the Cold War situation has been thrust upon our region. Our anxiety now is to prevent further escalation which would have disastrous consequences not only for India but also other countries in the region. Our first priority is to maintain peace and stability in our region. That is why we have clearly expressed our opinion that the supply of arms to [Page 463] Pakistan has no relevance to, nor can it succeed in finding a solution for the present crisis. Such action will escalate tension and the risk of triggering off a regional arms race which would force us to divert our attention and resources away from our primary task of economic development. I believe you agree that the big powers should leave the countries concerned to work out their own destiny in an atmosphere of peace. I might add that we see a glimmer of hope in the reported willingness of U.S.A. and U.S.S.R. to proceed on the basis of package of moves that would simultaneously involve credible guarantees of non-interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and withdrawal of Soviet troops.

I share your hope, Mr. President, that we remain in constant touch on issues that concern us both. This message comes to you with my warmest personal greetings to you, to your able and charming wife and your mother, for whom India has special affection.

Yours sincerely,

(Indira Gandhi)

His Excellency Mr. Jimmy Carter

President of the United States of America

Washington, D.C. End text

Goheen
  1. Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy File, D800144–0330. Secret; Immediate; Exdis.
  2. See Document 166.
  3. See Document 169.
  4. See footnote 6, Document 171.
  5. The Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers held an extraordinary session in Islamabad January 27–29.