251. Memorandum From the Director of the Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency (Foster) to the
Members of the Committee of Principals1
Washington, July 2, 1968.
SUBJECT
- Cutoff of the Production of Fissionable Material for Weapon Purposes
(U)
For several years the United States has been proposing in Geneva that the
nuclear-weapons powers agree to halt the production of fissionable material
for nuclear weapons. Since agreement on this proposal would clearly be in
the U.S. net interest, we expect to propose it again at the forthcoming
ENDC session this summer. The purpose
of this memorandum is to propose updating one aspect of the verification
arrangements for a cutoff treaty.
The other aspects of the U.S. position on this measure would remain as we
have previously described them in Geneva. The plants engaged in
[Page 627]
production of enriched uranium or
plutonium for use in nuclear weapons would either be shut down or their
product would be utilized for purposes other than nuclear weapons. Each
country would provide a list of all its nuclear facilities to the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)
and permit the IAEA to apply safeguards to
ascertain that none of the produced fissionable material was being used for
nuclear weapons. This would involve a major opening up of the Soviet nuclear
energy program to international inspection.
When the United States described this proposal to the ENDC four years ago, we dealt with the
possibility of undeclared production facilities by
stating, “There would be agreed rights to conduct a limited number of
inspections of suspected undeclared facilities on an adversary basis.”2 In the light of
our current unilateral capabilities in this field, I recommend that we
withdraw this 1964 formulation, and rely instead on our unilateral
capabilities to verify that other parties to the treaty are not operating
significant undeclared nuclear material production facilities. My reasons
for this recommendation are as follows:
- 1.
- The U.S. has high confidence that it has identified all current
Soviet fissionable material production facilities which are capable
of making a significant addition to the already large existing
Soviet weapons stockpile.
- 2.
- [3 lines of source text not
declassified]
- 3.
- [6 lines of source text not
declassified]
- 4.
- Such elimination would remove a potentially troublesome
discrepancy between the verification arrangements we would be
willing to accept for a cutoff and those we have asked other
countries to accept under the non-proliferation treaty. It is
difficult to justify treaty rights to search for undeclared plants
in a country which already has large stockpiles of fissionable
materials, when the NPT does not set
forth such rights for nations in which a small clandestine plant
might be significant.
A more detailed discussion of the proposed modification of verification
arrangements will be found at Tab A.
The United States initially proposed the cutoff in 19563 after determining that such a measure
would be in our net interest, and has reaffirmed this proposal on frequent
occasions since that time. The relevant factors have recently been reviewed
to determine whether that conclusion still obtains, and we have found that
it does. The results of these studies are summarized at Tab B.
Accordingly, I recommend for your consideration that when we next propose the
cutoff, we authorize the U.S. Delegation to describe the
[Page 628]
verification arrangements as similar to those
of the non-proliferation treaty.
Tab A4
Verification of a Cutoff of the Production of Fissionable
Material for Weapon Purposes
The proposed modification in the U.S. position relates only to
verification for undeclared plants. No change is proposed in the
procedures the U.S. has previously set forth for verification with
respect to declared plants. Nevertheless, the latter procedures are also
summarized below to facilitate evaluation of the overall verification
requirements.
A. Verification for Declared Production
Facilities
The United States has proposed that the IAEA would apply safeguards in order to verify compliance
with the obligations of the cutoff treaty. These safeguards would be
similar to those applied under the non-proliferation treaty. The IAEA would safeguard not only nuclear
reactors and uranium enrichment facilities, but also the fissionable
material in every other peaceful nuclear facility in each country, in
order to ascertain that no fissionable materials produced was being used
for nuclear weapons purposes.
While the IAEA has not yet developed
detailed procedures for safeguarding either uranium enrichment
facilities or shutdown reactors, U.S. and U.K. studies have been made
which can provide a basis for IAEA
safeguards techniques for such plants. These techniques would be
effective in detecting any significant Soviet diversion of fissionable
material to weapons use.
On December 2, 1967, President Johnson offered to accept IAEA safeguards on all U.S. nuclear facilities, except
those directly related to national security, when NPT safeguards go into effect.5
During the last session of the ENDC,
several speakers urged the Soviet Union to accept IAEA safeguards on its peaceful nuclear
programs.
[Page 629]
The Soviet delegate
replied that such acceptance would not be relevant to the proliferation
problem. While the U.S.S.R. has always resisted proposals for inspection
on its own territory, the Soviets may find it difficult to explain why
they are unwilling to accept relevant inspection for the cutoff proposal
when the inspection is essentially the same as the IAEA safeguards which the U.S.S.R. has
urged other states to accept under the NPT.
B. Verification for Undeclared Production of
Fissionable Material
To verify that other parties to the treaty are not operating significant
undeclared nuclear material production facilities, each party would rely
on unilateral capabilities. [7-½ lines of source text
not declassified]
Since the Soviets would realize that any significant violation would run
a very high risk of detection, they can be expected to refrain from
violations as long as they want the treaty to continue in force. If the
Soviets wanted to terminate the treaty, they probably would find it
preferable to do so by use of a treaty withdrawal clause, rather than by
risking the onus of being caught in a violation.
An early test of Soviet good-faith compliance with the treaty would be
their initial declaration listing their nuclear facilities. If this
initial declaration is complete, and coincides with U.S. present highly
reliable information on this subject, and the IAEA is permitted to safeguard freely all such Soviet
nuclear facilities, it would seem quite unlikely that the Soviets would
then attempt to build a new series of clandestine nuclear plants which
involve no shipments to or from any of their declared, inspected
facilities. If they did build such plants which would add significantly
to their already large stockpile, the U.S. would have a very high
probability of detecting such a violation.
[1 paragraph (14 lines of source text) not
declassified]
A Soviet refusal to permit such a non-intrusive inspection would provide
a basis for the U.S. to explain its withdrawal publicly if withdrawal
became necessary. The Soviet refusal would be assessed by other states
in the light of the U.S.S.R. having already accepted extensive
inspection of its nuclear facilities.
[Page 630]
Tab B6
SUMMARY OF CONCLUSIONS ON THE IMPACT ON U.S. INTERESTS OF A
CUTOFF OF PRODUCTION OF FISSIONABLE MATERIALS FOR WEAPONS USES
The U.S. has proposed many times at the ENDC that the nuclear-weapon states halt all production of
fissionable material for use in nuclear weapons, and that the U.S. and
U.S.S.R. transfer from their weapons stockpiles to peaceful uses agreed
amounts of uranium-235 and plutonium. We have said that the U.S. would
so transfer 60,000 kg of uranium-235 if
the U.S.S.R. would transfer 40,000 kg. We
have suggested that this transferred uranium could be obtained by
demonstrated destruction of nuclear weapons, and that we would transfer
to peaceful uses the associated plutonium from these weapons in amounts
to be negotiated with the U.S.S.R. in advance. This combined proposal
will be referred to below as the “cutoff-transfer” proposal.
A. Impact on U.S. Strategic Posture
- 1.
-
U.S. Military Requirements
The U.S. has recently concluded that our military requirements
for plutonium can be met by operation of four production
reactors at Richland. We have already shut down five plutonium
production reactors at this site. Presently planned nuclear
weapons requirements can be met from the uranium-235 and
plutonium on hand. (This includes weapons in stockpile awaiting
retirement and materials in the pipeline.) Reactor development
and research are absorbing most of the current plutonium
production at Richland. A small amount of plutonium metal is
being stockpiled to meet contingency plans. (Three reactors at
Savannah River are being used principally for production of
tritium. Two similar reactors there have been shut down.)
Based on current plans, U.S. weapons requirements for the
mid-1970’s can be met from fissionable materials on hand now.
Even with a transfer of 60,000 kg
of uranium and agreed amounts of associated plutonium from
destroyed weapons to peaceful uses, all strategic U.S. military
requirements for the near future can be met from existing
stocks.
- 2.
-
Soviet Military Requirements
It appears that the Soviets could meet their priority strategic
requirements from existing stocks, even with a transfer of [1-½ lines of source text not
declassified] from destroyed weapons to peaceful uses.
However, they would not have enough fissionable material to
MIRV their ICBMs and deploy an extensive
ABM system.
- 3.
-
Future Stockpile Comparisons
Recent studies have shown that the earlier a cutoff-transfer
measure is implemented, the more it would be to the advantage of
the U.S. Such an agreement would be to our advantage now and
would remain so until about 1976. Following 1976, the proposed
measures would not present a significant military advantage to
either country. By that time, both the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.
would have accumulated such large stockpiles of fissionable
materials that any cutoff of production for weapons uses would
be of little military significance.
[1 paragraph (10 lines of source text) not
declassified]
A cutoff in 1968 to 1970 would slow down the accumulation of
fissionable materials by both countries but would be more
advantageous to the U.S. A cutoff in 1972 or later would have
only a small effect on the accumulation of that amount of
fissionable materials calculated to be necessary for both U.S.
and U.S.S.R. top priority and second priority military
requirements. A cutoff in 1976 or after would appear to have no
direct military effect, because the availability of fissionable
materials for military uses will be more than any predicted
requirements can utilize.
- 4.
-
Miscellaneous Aspects
When the U.S. first offered in September 1965 to obtain the
60,000 kg of uranium-235 for
transfer from demonstrated destruction of nuclear weapons, it
was determined that this could be done [2-½
lines of source text not declassified].
Tritium was dealt with in the U.S. cutoff-transfer position paper
of February 15, 1966, along the lines outlined below. There have
been no developments since then which call for changing this
position.
Since tritium is not a fissionable material, it has not been
covered in our past cutoff proposals, and we do not plan to
initiate any discussion of tritium. (Of course, nuclear
reactors, including tritium production reactors, would be
subject to IAEA safeguards
under a cutoff agreement.) If the U.S.S.R. should urge
limitation of tritium production under the cutoff, however, the
U.S. delegation has the following contingency guidance:
If progress in negotiations warrants it, the Delegation
may request approval to discuss tritium production
limitations with the U.S.S.R. However, the disposition
of tritium from weapons submitted for destruction should
not be discussed.
It is the U.S. position that enough production of tritium
should continue under a cutoff to compensate for the
radioactive decay of the tritium in the weapons
inventory and the stockpile, and to provide for
non-weapons uses. Uranium-235 required to fuel reactors
for producing tritium for weapons replenishment would be
obtained from existing stockpiles.
A possible limitation on the amount of allowed production
of tritium might be obtained by requiring that
equivalent amounts of
[Page 632]
helium-3 be turned in. Results of
an AEC study have shown
that the decay of tritium is the only practical source
of significant quantities of helium-3. However, tritium
production rates are highly classified at this time and
declassification would be necessary before any
discussions that would reveal these rates could take
place.
B. Political Considerations Regarding Cutoff-Transfer
Proposal
Pressures from the non-nuclear-weapon countries for concrete measures of
armaments reduction by the nuclear-weapon powers are likely to increase,
particularly during the period when the non-proliferation treaty (NPT) has been signed but not yet ratified
by many countries. Key non-nuclear-weapon states will probably demand
that the nuclear powers make progress toward disarmament by agreeing to
measures that would constitute a “balance of obligations.” While the
non-nuclear-weapon nations will be serving their own interests by
accession to the NPT, they will
nevertheless strongly urge that the nuclear-weapon powers also
contribute to the stability of the international scene and take steps to
reduce the likelihood of a future nuclear conflict. It is likely that
some non-nuclear-weapon states will attempt to make such steps by the
nuclear-weapon powers a condition for their signature, ratification, or
continued adherence to the NPT.
One measure that the non-nuclear-weapon states have suggested as
contributing to a suitable balance of obligations and which the United
States has already proposed is a complete cessation of the production of
fissionable materials for weapons uses. The destruction of a number of
nuclear weapons and the transfer of the resulting fissionable materials
to peaceful uses is a related measure which the U.S. has also proposed
at the ENDC. These measures would
constitute a logical post-NPT approach
by the nuclear-weapon powers to a “balance of obligations.”