Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955–1957, Africa, Volume XVIII

114. Aide-Mémoire From the Imperial Ethiopian Government to the Embassy in Ethiopia ¹

Addis Ababa , March 12, 1957.

Summary of the Remarks Made by His Imperial Majesty at the Audience Granted on March 12, 1957 to His Excellency the Vice President of the United States of America

1. His Imperial Majesty expressed great pleasure at the visit of the Vice President with whom, as a personal friend, He could discuss Ethiopian-American relations in complete frankness and without fear of misunderstanding.

2. He observed that Ethiopia is at the same time, an integral part of both Africa and of the Middle East, as is evidenced by the importance of Ethiopia in the question of the Nile waters, over three-fourths of which have their origins in that country, by the role played by Ethiopia in and out of the United Nations in the problem of fostering the independence of African territories, and in the Suez question where, in the international conferences and in the Five Power Committee, Ethiopia represented the entire African continent.

3. In view of the significance of Ethiopia both in Africa and in the Middle East, the question of Ethiopian-American collaboration becomes particularly important. It was His Imperial Majesty’s sincere hope that his visit to the United States three years ago² might lay the basis for a solid and close collaboration between the two countries and Governments. However, the period that has followed has not borne out those hopes.

4. For her part, Ethiopia, under the personal direction of His Imperial Majesty, has sought both in the political and in the military fields, to lay the basis for such a lasting collaboration. In political matters, Ethiopia, in cooperating with the United States, has run counter to the policies of the other States of the Middle East in sending troops to Korea—and in refusing to recognize Communist China. She has incurred severe criticism from her Middle Eastern friends for supporting American policies in these matters. In addition, in response to a direct appeal from the U.S. Ethiopia gave—and with considerable courage, in view of sharp opposition from her neighbor, Egypt—the support requested for the U.S. program for the Canal, even to the extent of participating in the Five Power Commission.

5. Likewise, in the military field, His Imperial Majesty personally gave orders to grant the U.S. requests for military facilities in Ethiopia although they far exceeded the original demands, have since been greatly augmented when it came to implementing the agreement, and have now been increased by yet further demands. Not only base installations, but also certain privileges over the entire territory of Ethiopia, have been accorded, quite unlike those in any other country in the Middle East. Also, at the time of His Imperial Majesty’s visit to the President, He offered additional privileges as compensation for a broader basis of collaboration between the two countries.

6. However, that cooperation has apparently failed to materialize in any significant measure during the years. At the time of His visit, His Imperial Majesty had discussed with President Eisenhower the fields in which greater collaboration might be achieved, such as defense, ports, highways, aviation, social services, etc. The President personally assured His Imperial Majesty of his own direct and personal interest in seeing that more be accomplished than in the past with Ethiopia, and to that end, designated certain high officials of the U.S. Government for discussing these matters fully with the Foreign Minister of Ethiopia.³ Detailed discussions were had and His Imperial Majesty even delayed His departure from the States in order to bring about some measure of success in the negotiations. Moreover, His Imperial Majesty has personally intervened on many subsequent occasions, both with His Excellency the American Ambassador and with high U.S. officials on official missions to Ethiopia in order to achieve some tangible basis of collaboration. However, the subsequent period has revealed but few elements of progress.

7. His Imperial Majesty pointed out by way of example, the program of assistance in social and economic fields. The Technical Assistance Program has been extended to all countries of Africa and the Middle East, yet the program for Ethiopia has been on a minimum basis, moreover, indeed, far less than many countries who are less favorably disposed towards American policies. The recently published report of the Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate,⁴ indicates that this minimal program may now be further restricted. His Imperial Majesty remarked that, following conversations in London between Secretary of State Dulles and the Foreign Minister of Ethiopia, there had been talk of additional funds, but that that talk had been surrounded with so many retractions and contradictions and, indeed, conditions that acceptance of such assistance would have been difficult. He expressed the hope that, following the understandings reached between the Ethiopian Government and the Chief of the International Cooperation Administration, new difficulties might be avoided. Reference was also made to loan assistance from the Export-Import Bank. That assistance is deeply appreciated, but some further measure of support is necessary. In this connection, it was noted that, other Middle Eastern and African States appear to qualify for greater loan assistance, although their political and financial stability remains to be demonstrated.

8. As regards military assistance, His Imperial Majesty pointed to the very large area of Ethiopia, its long borders both in Africa and on the Red Sea and, in particular, to the crucial problem with which she is faced with the studied campaign pursued by hostile interests in the Middle East and in Europe for the dismemberment of Ethiopia in favor of a so-called Greater Somaliland. The extent of this terrible threat had been fully set out to Secretary of State Dulles by the Foreign Minister of Ethiopia during the recent London Conferences. Ethiopia cannot possibly remain passive in the face of this threat. A program of armament is essential. In this connection, His Imperial Majesty remarked that outside of India, nowhere in the Middle East will be found the long traditions of standing armies and military missions that will be found in Ethiopia. The other territories have all been under colonial regimes until recent years, whereas Ethiopian forces have always fought with great distinction for preserving national independence.

9. However, notwithstanding the extreme urgency of these needs for military equipment, the response from the United States has been rather discouraging. No progress whatever was made until the moment when the United States asked for sweeping privileges in Ethiopia; privileges granted under conditions more favorable than anywhere else in the Middle East; yet once the base privileges were obtained and after an initial agreement for military assistance was reached, far from being maintained at the first year’s level, the military assistance was reduced to one-tenth that amount and today, in the fifth year of a program, is still on a purely year to year basis—although U.S. privileges in Ethiopia have been granted for an extremely long period as compared with other areas in the Middle East, arms to the value of less than $8,000,000 have been actually delivered. Although the assistance from the United States has been slow in forthcoming, Ethiopia, on the contrary, is now asked to agree to additional privileges on a long-term basis, although she is still without the means for defending these installations. Moreover, these demands raise considerable political problems for Ethiopia. For example, His Imperial Majesty referred to the very recent objection by Egypt to the presence of American naval units in the Red Sea. If Ethiopia is to give privileges to the U.S. Fleet at Massawa, serious political repercussions may be expected at this time, both as regards other countries in the Middle East and public opinion in Ethiopia itself.

10. With this reference to political problems, His Imperial Majesty also remarked that in other fields, essential collaboration has been lacking. For example, although Ethiopia alone supplies more than three-fourths of the waters of the Nile, at the crucial point of discussions of this matter, His Imperial Majesty was not consulted by the United States. When, finally, the United States recognized the exceptional importance of the Ethiopian contribution to the problem, His Imperial Majesty was constrained to point out that, in contributing 85% of the waters of the Nile, Ethiopia must first reserve all necessary quantities for her own rapidly expanding needs in agriculture and industry, and that some financial assistance will be required for the completion of hydro-electric and other barrages to meet these needs.

11. Similarly, although recently in London, Secretary of State Dulles had promised full collaboration with Ethiopia in the questions concerning the British in Somaliland and the frontier problem with the Trust Territory of Somaliland, only a few days ago, on the very day of voting at the United Nations on the question of the frontier, the American Delegation informed the Ethiopian Delegation, contrary to those promises, that it was intending to introduce a resolution proposing precisely the solution to which Ethiopia was particularly opposed. It was only after massive support for the Ethiopian position by all the Middle Eastern and other States, friends of Ethiopia, and indeed, by the Soviet Bloc which took the floor to defend the Ethiopian position, that the U.S., which had never in fact, spoken in favor of the final Resolution, voted for it along with the others.⁵

12. His Imperial Majesty observed that all of these considerations point clearly to the necessity of a profound re-examination of relations between the two countries. His Imperial Majesty’s personal policies and conviction are that close collaboration with the United States is not only of the utmost importance, but is entirely possible on the basis of a fresh and frank approach to the problems. It is in this sense that, relying on friendship with the Vice President, He has set out these problems in complete frankness and in the hope and conviction that the Vice President will, upon return to the United States, exert all his personal prestige to the achievement of this important objective.

1. Source: Department of State, S/P–NSC Files: Lot 62 D 1, North Africa (Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, NSC 5614, 5614/1). Secret. Attached as Tab D, No. 6 to Document 19.
2. For documentation on the Emperor’s May 1954 visit, see Foreign Relations, 1952–1954, vol. xi, Part 1, pp. 451 ff.
3. For documentation on the meetings between Aklilou and U.S. officials in June and July 1954, see ibid., pp. 448 ff.
4. The “Report on a Study Mission by Senator Green” on economic and technical assistance in Africa was issued on February 21.
5. Resolution 1068(XI), which passed by a vote of 71 to 0, with 3 abstentions, February 26, recommended that the Governments of Ethiopia and Italy continue and complete their negotiations on the frontier between Somalia and Ethiopia.