File No. 861.00/786
The Ambassador in Russia ( Francis) to the Secretary of State
[Received December 11, 8 p.m.]
2081. Present revolution began November 7 when Kerensky commandeered automobile of Embassy secretary and escaped, sending me [Page 293] message to effect that troops in Petrograd not siding with Bolsheviki were neutral and that he would return with troops from the front and liquidate entire situation within five days. Same date the remaining ministers at a meeting at Winter Palace were surrounded and after resistance of six hours surrendered November 8, 2 a.m., when they were taken to Peter and Paul Fortress where five, including Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Finance, are still confined. Same evening new Ministry was named at Smolny Institute by Petrograd Council of Workmen and Soldiers and a portion of national Soviet of the same organization. That Ministry Council of Commissaries of the People. Lenin was named President, Trotsky, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Names of others immaterial as nearly all declined to serve, including Verkhovski, Minister of the Interior [sic], and Verderevski, Minister of Marine. Same meeting promulgated peace decree sending same by wireless to all belligerent nations.
No charges have been presented against Ministers of the Provisional Government who were captured and imprisoned and no one knows why they were imprisoned except that the Bolsheviki desired control. Immediate cause Bolshevik outbreak was a discussion in the Council of Republic concerning instruction of Russian delegate to be represented conference called for November 16. Council of Republic had taken no definite action on the subject but Tereshchenko had made several speeches, the last of which dwelt upon fidelity to Allies and advocated importance of sending an undivided delegation to that conference. Skobelev had been appointed delegate Soviet and given instructions to advocate peace proposals. The last meeting of the council was November 5 when it adjourned to November 7 and never met after November 5. I conferred with Minister of Foreign Affairs November 6 and made full report thereof to the Department same date. See my No. 1957.1 Have not seen Tereshchenko since nor had any communication with him. My cables from No. 1957, November 6, to 2006, November 22,2 informed Department of developments. As advised by my 2006 received notice from the Foreign Office that government had been assumed by Council of Commissaries of the People and Trotsky as Commissary of Foreign Affairs was in charge of the Foreign Office. Exact text of that communication forwarded to Department in my 2006. Department’s 1864, November 24, 4 p.m., received November 26,3 was first indication received by me that Department knew of revolution in progress. Department’s 1875, December 1,4 gave definite instructions [Page 294] to make no reply on three subjects reported by the Embassy. I advised Department of meetings opposing Allied chiefs; also of my personal conferences with the British Ambassador and Japanese Ambassador. Last conference of chiefs held December 5 as reported in my 2067.1
This Soviet government has survived beyond expectations. It was established by force, which was secured by promise of immediate peace made by Lenin and Trotsky to a demoralized army and to a people discouraged because that army was demoralized. Seeing that it could not maintain itself without active effort to procure the prohibitory peace the Soviet government appointed commissioners to negotiate separate armistice but claimed later that it meant a general armistice if Allies would agree to it, armistice and separate peace would be consummated if Allies decline to participate in negotiations for general armistice and general peace, manifestoes threatening to appeal to the people of belligerent countries if the governments thereof continue to refuse recognition or declined to participate.
This is brief summary of situation. Reference to my cables will show how carefully I have avoided every appearance that could be construed as recognition or in any way strengthening government of Lenin and Trotsky, having persistently refused appeals of military attaché to permit Bolshevik government to place in Embassy guard of soldiers obeying Soviet commands and to permit him to procure from Smolny permit for my personal automobile. As recognition of Provisional Government six days after its organization was made at psychological moment and when followed by recognition of other Governments, as it was, had effect of strengthening and establishing that Government so any apparent recognition of this government would have had like result. In such policy I will [did] not [rely on] own judgment but was in thorough accord with all Allied missions here with whom you directed close relations should be established.
American Red Cross mission manifested surprising nervousness from beginning of revolution, Thompson and some other members sleeping at apartment of Military Mission which had and has Bolshevik guard and [with] which Thompson had much closer relations than with Embassy. That nervousness perhaps attributable to the disbursements which my 20802 informed Department were strictly enforced [recently revealed] by former secretary Breshkovskaya, objects of which were unknown to me until publication of letter.
Judson’s personal call on Trotsky was without my knowledge or approval as explained in my 20583 and I was compelled so to state to [Page 295] my colleagues at meeting of December 5 when they remarked that it was understood we should act in union and in any case Judson’s visit to Trotsky was a violation of such understanding. Sisson arrived November 25 when I had short talk with him. His next call was five days later, November 30, when he insisted with Judson that I permit latter to procure automobile permit for myself and when I declined and said was doing nothing he replied, “That is what I complain against, and it is driving us to perdition”; whereupon I promptly and emphatically reminded him I was the Ambassador and the responsibility mine and I did not hesitate to exercise it.
I have not promulgated as instructed your circular of November 9 concerning Liberty Loan nor your 18191 concerning Paris conference because, first, there was no channel therefor except Bolshevik publications which would not have fully printed such announcements; secondly, because thought such publications would exasperate Soviet government and possibly alarm American colony many of whom were already in nervous condition.
Constituent Assembly, whose action I have been awaiting before making definite recommendation, will meet December 11 if plan followed. Various reports current, however, concerning postponement of its convening and threats of excluding Cadets from seats to which they have been elected but doubtful whether will appear as would probably be arrested.
You can see how difficult is the situation. Impossible to ascertain whether government under German influence but it is known that some attaches at Smolny are Germans and also that other Germans are in Petrograd and Moscow and at the front and making little effort to conceal their identity. I think Lenin and Trotsky reckless adventurers and playing bluff game. Rumors current to effect that divisions in Soviet ranks now appearing.
(More to-morrow.)