File No. 763.72/2997

The Chargé in Germany ( Grew ) to the Secretary of State

No. 4347

Sir: For the Department’s information, I have the honor to make the following report on parties and party leaders in the German Reichstag, which may serve to elucidate the Embassy’s reports on the political situation and its daily telegraphic summaries of comment in the press:

Parties and Party Leaders in the German Reichstag

Number of seats in the Reichstag 397
Elected for the Session 1912–1917:
Social Democrats 110
Center (Catholics) 90
Conservatives 45
National Liberals 43
Progressive People’s Party 42
Poles 18
Empire Party (Reichspartei) 13
Other small fractions 36
Total 397

socialists

Press organ: Berlin Vorwärts.

Now divided into the Regular wing which has continued to vote for the war credits and the Socialist Labor wing (Sozial Arbeits-gemeinschaft) which has voted against the last three credits. At the recent Socialist Conference for the Empire both wings were fully represented and agreed to disagree.

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The Socialist Labor wing numbers about 30 to 45. Its exact strength is impossible to determine accurately as many Socialist members of the Reichstag have refrained from voting both in the Reichstag and at the party conference. The Labor wing seems to be increasing in strength. Of the former the most extreme are called the “Spartacus” group and tend toward anarchy; of the less extreme, Haase, an East Prussian member, Bernstein, and Ledebour are the leaders.

Of the Regular wing of the Socialists the leaders are Scheidemann, a self-made man, formerly a printer’s clerk; Doctor David, a political academician, a fine debater, and an authority on agriculture; Heine, one of Germany’s best-known lawyers; Suedekum, who bears the nickname “ sans-culotte-with-the-creased-trousers.”

Previous to the war the Socialists advocated a parliamentary régime, and particularly, reformation of the Prussian electoral laws. Since the war the Regulars have voted for all the war credits. The Socialist Labor wing is against ruthless U-boat warfare as being contrary to international law; the Regular wing is against it largely as a matter of practicality. The Socialist Party is strong in and around Berlin, in Saxony and the other industrial centers such as the Province of Sachsen (in Prussia), and in the Westphalian manufacturing districts, and to a certain extent in Hanover and around Hamburg.

progressive people’s party (fortschrittliche volkspartei)

Press organs: Vossische Zeitung, Frankfurter Zeitung .

Leaders: Naumann (orator and expounder of the idea of Mittel-Europa, i. e., the commercial and economic unity of the Central powers after the war), Payer and Haussmann, all three of whom may be regarded as the political and intellectual descendants of Carl Schurz in Germany.

Previous to the war this party also favored the parliamentary régime. It formerly did not support the Army and Navy policy of the Government, but of late years has become nearer to the National Liberals. It now believes strongly in the neu Orientierung (“new political bearings”) eventually, but not during the war. It is almost unanimously against the ruthless U-boat warfare, although one of its most prominent members Doctor Heckscher has recently quarreled with his party after becoming converted to the U-boat warfare.

national liberals

Press organ: Kölnische Zeitung.

Leaders: Bassermann and Prince Schoenaich-Carolath and (of one group) Schiffer.

Theoretically they stood, before the war, for the idea of the Empire. The party rather represents “big business” and the well-to-do bourgeoisie. At present they are divided on the question of supporting the Chancellor and the U-boat question. According to their last statement, they are willing to leave the latter to the Military [Page 307] authorities. Both sides claim to have a majority among them. The party contains some very bitter enemies of the Chancellor. Their strength is well scattered throughout the country.

center (catholics)

Press organs: Germania, Kölnische Volkszeitung.

Leader: Spahn, a bad speaker but an exceedingly clever parliamentarian.

The party contains a liberal and a conservative wing, a democratic and an aristocratic element. It stands always for the interest of the Catholic church, first and foremost, and on other things is à deux mains, though it always voted the Army and Navy credits. It takes no particular stand on the neu Orientierung, nor on the U-boat question, leaving the latter to the military authorities. Undoubtedly a large number of members of the Center are for the ruthless U-boat warfare, though probably a much fewer number are inimical to the Chancellor personally. The party organ in Berlin, Germania, denies the claim of the Cologne Volkszeitung (also a Catholic paper) that a majority of the party is with the Conservatives on the submarine issue. The Center is strong in Bavaria, in the Rhine provinces and, to a certain extent, in Silesia.

deutsche fraktion

(This includes the Reichspartei or Free Conservatives and a few small groups)

Press organ: Berlin Tägliche Rundschau.

Leaders: Prince Hatzfeldt, Schule and Gamp, and, outside the Reichspartei, Count Oppersdorff. The group is moderate in foreign policy and otherwise aristocratic. Large industrials and mine owners are its adherents and in general it stands with the Conservatives except that it is slightly more liberal as, for instance, in the question of the primary schools. On the present questions the group stands with the regular Conservatives, although its speaker declared for the neu Orientierung in the debate on October 11. Its strength is in East Prussia and the Mark of Brandenburg.

conservatives

Press organs: Kreuz Zeitung, Tageszeitung.

Leaders: Count Westarp, and Von Heydebrand, who is known as “the uncrowned King of Prussia” on account of his supreme influence in the Prussian Landtag.

The Conservatives are agrarians and protectionists and stand strongly for the maintenance of the monarchial principle. In inner politics they vote often with the Center. At present they are almost unanimously against the Chancellor and favor the resumption of the U-boat warfare—an issue they have used, as many believe, to gain support in their fight against the Chancellor, as they fear he will bring in the neu Orientierung after the war. Their strength is in East Prussia, Pomerania, Mecklenburg and the Mark.

I have [etc.]

J. C. Grew