File No. 5315/432–435.

Chargé Fletcher to the Secretary of State.

No. 1213.]

Sir: In continuation of my No. 1207 of the 14th instant, on the subject of American participation in the pending Hukuang Railway loan, I have the honor to inclose my reply to the note of the Wai-wu Pu, dated July 14 (copy of which was forwarded to you by the last mail). The department will observe that I have embodied in my note the substance of its telegram of July 15.

On the afternoon of July 15, I called at the Wai-wu Pu and suggested to Mr. Liang—stating that the suggestion was made wholly upon my own responsibility—the feasibility of increasing the loan by about 12½ per cent and admitting equal American participation. I explained that the European bankers had offered to admit us to participate to the extent of about 12½ per cent, so that if the loan were increased by the difference an agreement should be possible. I informed him that I understood that the amount of the present loan would prove insufficient for the construction of the two sections mentioned. He approved the idea and promised to have it presented to Chang Chih-tung.

[Page 182]

I also told the bankers here of my suggestion to Mr. Liang and that I had hoped it might prove a basis of settlement. It seemed to meet their approval, but Mr. Cordes expressed doubt as to Chang Chih-tung’s attitude. This proposal has been discussed between the bankers and the Chinese for the last few days. Yesterday Mr. Hillier (of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation) palled. He informed me that the bankers here had conferred and were about to telegraph to their principals to the effect that I thought an increase of the loan by £500,000, which should be allotted to the Hupeh section of the Hankow-Szechuen line, and an arrangement of the bankers whereby the American bank should finance £1,500,000 of the loan thus revised, would satisfy my Government, and that I would be authorized to withdraw the American protest, and the agreement thus altered would be ratified and signed. He then added that it should be understood that no other conditions of the loan agreement shoul be changed in any respect. I asked him what he meant. He said he referred to those provisions of the agreement which had reference to the service of the loan and the right of the banks to furnish sums needed for the completion of these lines in the future. He stated that more money would be required in the future for the Hankow-Canton line, and thought that as we claimed nothing on the Hankow-Canton line we should be content with one-half of any sum which would be needed in the future for the completion of the Hankow-Szechuen line. As this interview was closing, I received the department’s telegram of the 20th instant, and explained to Mr. Hillier your position that the American participation in the present loan, revised as proposed, should be equal in every particular to that of the other banks, and that it should include all rights with regard to furnishing materials, appointment of engineers and auditors, and of any other benefits which would naturally accompany a one-fourth interest in the loan. He remarked that we were now claiming more than we had claimed in the London conference. I replied that we had heretofore indicated a willingness, in the interests of harmony, to accept one-fourth participation practially on the French basis, but that this offer had not been met in the same spirit and had been rejected. He promised again to confer with his fellow bankers and to communicate our position to the principals in Europe.

The bankers and China seem to attach great importance to reaching a settlement on the basis of the present agreement, altered only as to the amount. Chang has stated that he did not wish to use any American money on the Hankow-Canton line and the bankers have endeavored to have our participation in this loan limited in all respects to the Hankow-Szechuen line. As the increased amount would, as the agreement is drafted, have to be allotted to one or other line, I see no objection to having it allotted to the Hankow-Szechuen line. This to some extent saves the face of the bankers and of China, but I have clearly stated was only a question of allotment; that our participation in the present and future benefits of the agreement must be absolutely equal and just, as if we were a party to the agreement, which to all intents and purposes we would become by a separate but synchronous document.

On the receipt of the department’s telegram of July 15,1 called on Mr. Liang Tun-yen, on the evening of the 16th, and asked if his board had received the telegram which the President had sent direct [Page 183] to His Imperial Highness the Prince Regent. He informed me that it had been received and would be submitted the following day, and that he would acquaint me with the reply made by the Regent. I asked him to see that the friendly nature of the telegram was explained to His Imperial Highness, so that no misunderstanding might arise. He said he could not present the matter personally, but would see that it came before the Regent in the proper light. Mr. Liang seemed to think that the telegram would have a good effect, as it would make further quibble on the part of Chang Chih-tung difficult, and would also save his face if his agreement should be altered by the interposition of the Regent.

Under these circumstances and for other considerations, I did not think it necessary to ask an audience of the Regent, but should it seem advisable later to do so, I shall avail myself of the department’s authority in this respect.

On the receipt of the department’s telegram of July 21, containing the direction of the President to convey to the Prince Regent, through the Wai-wu Pu, the President’s appreciation of the prompt action of His Imperial Highness and of the cordial spirit of His Highness’s message, I embodied these instructions in a formal note to Prince Ching (copy inclosed) and handed copy of it to Mr. Liang Tun-yen this morning. At the same time, as instructed, I handed him a memorandum (copy inclosed) containing the substance of the department’s telegrams of July 16 and 20, making clear to him your position with reference to equal American participation in the present loan.

He promised to make it known to the bankers, and again expressed the hope that the matter might soon be settled.

With reference to the note of the Russian minister, mentioned in my telegram of the 18th instant, I am of opinion that it will not materially alter the situation. Mr. Korostovetz called on me on the 20th and explained that while Russia had no such rights as ourselves respect to the present loan, she felt that, by reason of her large commercial interests in the Yangtze, especially in the tea trade of Hankow, and on the principle of the open door, he was justified in notifying China of Russia’s readiness and willingness to participate in this or any other foreign loans needed by China. He said the Russo-Chinese Bank was practically a governmental concern, and he believed Russia should have financial interest in China as well as the other powers. He asked me what I thought would be the position of my Government. I replied that his Government could learn that more definitely through the embassy in Washington, but that I personally thought the American Government would welcome Russian financial interests in China on the principle, which we have always adhered to, of equality of commercial opportunity and the open door. He said that the European bankers would be approached by the Russo-Chinese Bank for a share of this loan, and that the bank would be content with a very small share. He asked me what would be the attitude of our bankers if the Russo-Chinese Bank asked them for a share. I replied that this would be a matter for the bankers to decide later, but that our present concern was to secure American participation in the loan, and that I trusted he would not interfere with our efforts to reach a settlement. He said he had no such intention. [Page 184] He stated that if the present agreement were upset he would ask to participate in the loan subsequently arranged, though he admitted he did not see his way clear to insist. Russia has at present a number of important and somewhat involved questions pending with the Chinese Government and is not in a position to support in any extreme way the desire of the Russo-Chinese Bank to participate in this loan. I see no objection, however, to bona fide Russian participation in Chinese financial enterprises, though the bonds will likely be sold in Paris.

I have, etc.,

Henry P. Fletcher.
[Inclosure 1.]

Chargé Fletcher to the Prince of Ching.

No. 550.]

Your Imperial Highness: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Your Highness’s note of July 14 last on the subject of the participation of American financiers in the Hukuang Railway loan.

Your Highness quotes the text of two communications received by Your Highness’s board from His Excellency Chang Chih-tung, director general of the Canton-Hankow Railway and of the Hupeh section of the Hankow-Szechuen Railway.

In the first of these communications His Excellency states, with reference to the desire of American capitalists to participate with the British, French, and German financiers in the loan about to be contracted for, that—

If this matter had come up before the signing of the agreement with the banks of the three countries mentioned I would have no objection. But the agreement has now been signed and there is now no way to discuss the loan with America. It is hardly feasible to direct the makers of this loan to broach this new proposition lest other difficulties arise.

This communication from the director general was evidently written some time ago. He has no doubt since been informed by Your Highness’s board that the matter of American participation did come up before the pending loan agreement was initialed.

Your Highness’s board will recall that Mr. Rockhill, on May 25 last, in an official interview with His Excellency Liang Tun-yen, referred to certain reports appearing in the newspapers to the effect that Germans, British, and French were arranging a loan for the construction of a railway from Hankow toward Szechuen, and he stated that if this report was correct he would have to remind the Wai-wu Pu that China had assured Mr. Conger that in case China was unable herself to provide the funds necessary to build this railway American and British capitalists would simultaneously be notified, and he informed Your Highness’s board that the American Government holds that this assurance guarantees to American and British capital the preference in any foreign loan floated for this purpose. Your Highness’s board promised to bring this matter to the attention of His Excellency Chang Chih-tung, who, it was stated, was in charge of these railway matters.

The subject was again brought up by Mr. Rockhill in an interview at the Wai-wu Pu on May 28 last, and he was informed by His Excellency Liang Tun-yen that he had no reply to make and could say nothing definite on the subject.

Again, on June 1, Mr. Rockhill and I called at the Wai-wu Pu. Mr. Rockhill stated that he was that day turning over the legation into my charge, and he referred to the telegram which he had shown His Excellency Liang Tun-yen on May 25 on the subject of American participation in the Hankow-Szechuen Railway loan, and asked his excellency if he was in position to give him an answer to the representations which he had already made on this subject. His excellency replied that he had referred the matter to His Excellency Chang Chih-tung, but that he had as yet received no reply.

On June 5, acting under directions from my Government, I again called at the Wai-wu Pu and asked for a reply to the representations which had been made [Page 185] by Mr. Rockhill on this subject. I was informed that no reply had been received from His Excellency Chang Chih-tung, and on the same day I sent to your Imperial Highness a formal communication, as follows:

In further reference to the representations made by Mr. Rockhill and myself to Your Highness’s board recalling the assurances given to this legation in 1904 to the effect that in case China was unable herself to provide the funds necessary for the construction of the Hankow-Szechuen Railway American and British capitalists would simultaneously be notified, and informing Your Highness’s board that the American Government held that this assurance guaranteed to American and British capital the preference in a foreign loan floated for this purpose, I now have the honor to inform Your Highness that the American Government, in view of the reports that British, French, and German financial groups have under consideration an agreement with China to provide a loan for the construction of a portion of this line, has recalled to the British Government the original understanding between China, Great Britain, and the United States, and has informed that Government that the United States has taken no action which could be construed as a relinquishment of the right of American capital to participate in this enterprise.

This legation has now been informed that the representations heretofore made on this subject have been communicated to His Excellency Chang Chih-tung, director general of the Hankow-Szechuen Railway, and the attitude of my Government on the subject made clear to His Excellency, but that he has made no reply on the subject.

I now have the honor to request Your Highness’s board at once to notify His Excellency Chang Chih-tung and the other officials charged with this matter that the American Government insists that the assurances of 1904 be observed and that American capitalists be consulted and allowed to participate in the loan about to be floated.

I trust that I may be favored with an early reply which I may communicate to my Government at Washington.

On the following day, notwithstanding the oral and written representations made by this legation, and to which even no reply was made, an agreement for a loan of £5,500,000 (five million five hundred thousand pounds sterling) for the construction of the Hupeh-Hunan section of the Canton-Hankow Railway and of the Hupeh section of the Hankow-Szechuen Railway was initialed by His Excellency Chang Chih-tung and representatives of the British, French, and German banks in Peking.

In view of these facts, I can not understand the statement of His Excellency Chang Chih-tung quoted above.

On the 9th of June I addressed another formal note to Your Highness’s board on the subject and had the honor in a number of personal interviews with President Liang subsequently to point out clearly the attitude of my Government with respect to the assurances given in 1903 and 1904 to Mr. Conger and the importance which the President and Government of the United States attached to American participation in the pending loan on a footing of equality with the European bankers, and I alluded to the unfortunate effect which would be caused in the United States were China to exclude us.

At length on June 24 I was informed by His Excellency Liang Tun-yen that the bankers with whom the pending loan agreement was negotiated had been notified that China would not conclude the agreement unless a settlement were reached with the American capitalists. This welcome intelligence I lost no time in sending to my Government. The representatives of the European and American bankers arranged to meet in London on the 8th instant to adjust the matter. It would seem by the letter of the Peking bankers to His Excellency Chang Chih-tung that the Americans were offered at this conference only one-eighth of the loan. This they could not accept, and no agreement was reached, as my Government holds that we are entitled to and should receive equal treatment. Another meeting will undoubtedly soon be held. The British, French, and German Governments have all indicated their willingness to have Americans participate equally in this loan. Your Highness’s board has expressed itself to the same effect. It is, therefore, not likely that the European bankers will refuse to heed the wishes of all the Governments concerned.

The decision of this question rests with the Government of China. The position of my Government with reference to the assurances heretofore given, as well as the broad policy of friendship and cooperation which it wishes to pursue in availing itself of them, has been fully explained in my personal interviews. The American Government sincerely hopes that the Imperial Chinese Government, having respect for these assurances and for the uniform friendship which has always existed between our two countries, as well as for the broad lines of national and international policy, will plainly notify the framers of the pending agreement that the American bankers must be admitted to participate equally in the loan required.

If your Highness’s Government will adopt this just and equitable course, I venture to predict that the matter will quickly be settled and a satisfactory agreement reached. It is inconceivable that after such plain expression of Your [Page 186] Highness’s Government’s wishes individuals would longer seek to defeat the policy of all the Governments concerned.

If, on the other hand, the United States were expected to consider less than equal participation by its bankers in this loan, it would be inconsistent not only with the dignity and moral right of the American Government, but also incompatible with a policy hitherto friendly on the part of China.

I must solemnly warn Your Highness’s board that if the reasonable wishes of the American Government should now be thwarted, the whole responsibility would rest upon the Chinese Government.

My Government finds it difficult to believe that China, in return for the uniform friendliness of the United States, intends to disregard her obligations and true interests and act with such singular unfriendliness to America.

In view of the expressions of the British, French, and German Governments recognizing the equity of the American demand for participation, and having regard to China’s specific promises and moral obligations, this legation and the Department of State are amazed at the apparent influence of individuals in so long retarding the consummation of so equitable an arrangement as is proposed.

The American Government greatly deplores a situation in which it seems that individuals in China or elsewhere are able to defeat the practical operations of the policy of the open door and equal opportunity.

Should the objections of the bankers of the other countries to equal American participation prove so insistent as not to be overcome by the wishes of China and of their respective Governments, the time would seem to have arrived when China should exercise her right to determine the matter by confining her dealings to those who are willing to respect her highest interests.

I avail, etc.,

Henry P. Fletcher.
[Inclosure 2.]

Chargé Fletcher to the Prince of Ching.

Your Imperial Highness: I have the honor to inform Your Highness that I have been directed by the President of the United States to convey through Your Highness’s board to His Imperial Highness the Prince Regent the President’s high appreciation of the prompt action of His Imperial Highness the Prince Regent in instructing that arrangements be made through the American chargé d’affaires for equal participation of American capital in the pending railway loan, as requested by the President in his telegram to the Prince Regent of July 15. The President especially appreciates the cordial spirit of His Imperial Highness’s message.

I avail, etc.,

Henry P. Fletcher.
[Inclosure 3.]

memorandum.

Chargé Fletcher to His Excellency Liang Tun-yen.

Referring to his conversation with His Excellency Liang Tun-yen, president of the board of foreign affairs, on July 15, in which it was suggested that the pending loan might be increased to, say, £6,000,000 (six million pounds sterling) and American capitalists admitted to participate equally with British, French, and German capitalists in the loan thus revised, the American chargé d’affaires has the honor to inform the board of foreign affairs that he has submitted this proposal to his Government and is now in receipt of a telegraphic reply approving this suggestion and instructing him that the American Government would regard such an arrangement as satisfactory provided American interests enjoyed absolutely equal rights in every particular—that is to say, all rights with regard to the furnishing of material, appointment of engineers and auditors, and any other benefits which would naturally accompany a fourth interest in the loan.