Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, With the Annual Message of the President Transmitted to Congress December 2, 1902
Mr. Choate to Mr. Hay.
London, February 12, 1902.
Sir: I have the honor to report that at an interview yesterday with His Majesty’s secretary of state for foreign affairs he gave me a copy of the new defensive treaty of alliance between Great Britain and Japan. I now inclose the copy that he gave me.
It seems to me greatly to fortify the policy of the “open door,” and goes far to secure the independence and integrity of the Chinese and Korean empires. Perhaps also it explains the decision of His Majesty’s Government, announced in Parliament the day before, not to proceed further with the fortification of Weihaiwei as a naval base. I inclose a clipping from the London Times of yesterday’s date, containing the debate on this interesting subject, in which, however, I see no allusion to the provision in the lease to Great Britain of Weihaiwei that it was to be for so long a period as the Russian occupation of Port Arthur should last.
I have, etc.,
The Marquis of Lansdowne to Sir C. MacDonald.
Dispatch to His Majesty’s minister at Tokyo forwarding agreement between Great Britain and Japan of January 30, 1902.
Sir: I have signed to-day, with the Japanese minister, an agreement between (Treat Britain and Japan, of which a copy is inclosed in this dispatch.
This agreement may be regarded as the outcome of the events which have taken place during the last two years in the Far East, and of the part taken by Great Britain and Japan in dealing with them.
Throughout the troubles and complications which arose in China consequent upon the Boxer outbreak and the attack upon the Pekin legations, the two powers have been in close and uninterrupted communication, and have been actuated by similar views.
We have each of us desired that the integrity and independence of the Chinese Empire should be preserved, that there should be no disturbance of the territorial status quo either in China or in the adjoining regions, that all nations should, within those regions, as well as within the limits of the Chinese Empire, be afforded equal opportunities for the development of their commerce and industry, and that peace should not only be restored, but should, for the future, be maintained.
From the frequent exchanges of views which have taken place between the two Governments, and from the discovery that their Far Eastern policy was identical, it has resulted that each side has expressed the desire that their common policy should find expression in an international contract of binding validity.
We have thought it desirable to record in the preamble of that instrument the main objects of our common policy in the Far East to which I have already referred, and in the first article we join in entirely disclaiming any aggressive tendencies either in China or Korea. We have, however, thought it necessary also to place on record the view entertained by both the high contracting parties, that should their interests, as above described, be endangered, it will be admissible for either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable in order to safeguard those interests, and words have been added which will render it clear that such precautionary measures might become necessary and might be legitimately taken, not only in the case of aggressive [Page 514] action or of an actual attack by some other power, but in the event of disturbances arising of a character to necessitate the intervention of either of the high contracting parties for the protection of the lives and property of its subjects.
The principal obligations undertaken mutually by the high contracting parties are those of maintaining a strict neutrality in the event of either of them becoming involved in war, and of coming to one another’s assistance in the event of either of them being confronted by the opposition of more than one hostile power. Under the remaining provisions of the agreement, the high contracting parties undertake that neither of them will, without consultation with the other, enter into separate arrangements with another power to the prejudice of the interests described in the; agreement, and that whenever those interests are in jeopardy they will communicate with one another fully and frankly.
The concluding article has reference to the duration of the agreement which, after five years, is terminable by either of the high contracting parties at one year’s notice.
His Majesty’s Government have been largely influenced in their decision to enter into this important contract by the conviction that it contains no provisions which can be regarded as an indication of aggressive or self-seeking tendencies in the regions to which it applies. It has been concluded purely as a measure of precaution, to be invoked, should occasion arise, in the defense of important British interests. It in no way threatens the present position or the legitimate interests of other powers. On the contrary, that part of it which renders either of the high contracting parties liable to be called upon by the other for assistance can operate only when one of the allies has found himself obliged to go to war in defense of interests which are common to both, when the circumstances in which he has taken this step are such as to establish that the quarrel has not been of his own seeking, and when, being engaged in his own defense, he finds himself threatened, not by a single power, but by a hostile coalition.
His Majesty’s Government trust that the agreement may be found of mutual advantage to the two countries, that it will make for the preservation of peace, and that, should peace unfortunately be broken, it will have the effect of restricting the area of hostilities.
I am, etc.,
Agreement between Great Britain and Japan, signed at London, January 30, 1902.
The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, actuated solely by a desire to maintain the status quo and general peace in the extreme East, being moreover specially interested in maintaining the independence and territorial integrity of the Empire of China and the Empire of Korea, and in securing equal opportunities in those countries for the commerce and industry of all nations, hereby agree as follows:
Article I.
The high contracting parties having mutually recognized the independence of China and of Korea, declare themselves to be entirely uninfluenced by any aggressive tendencies in either country. Having in view, however, their special interests, of which those of Great Britain relate principally to China, while Japan, in addition to the interests which she possesses in China, is interested in a peculiar degree politically, as well as commercially and industrially, in Korea, the high contracting parties recognize that it will be admissible for either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable in order to safeguard those interests if threatened either by the aggressive action of any other power, or by disturbances arising in China or Korea, and necessitating the intervention of either of the high contracting parties for the protection of the lives and property of its subjects.
Article II.
If either Great Britain or Japan, in the defense of their respective interests as above described, should become involved in war with another power, the other high contracting party will maintain a strict neutrality, and use its efforts to prevent other powers from joining in hostilities against its ally.
[Page 515]Article III.
If in the above event any other power or powers should join in hostilities against that ally, the other high contracting party will come to its assistance and will conduct the war in common, and make peace in mutual agreement with it.
Article IV.
The high contracting parties agree that neither of them will, without consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements with another power to the prejudice of the interests above described.
Article V.
Whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan, the above-mentioned interests are in jeopardy, the two Governments will communicate with one another fully and frankly.
Article VI.
The present agreement shall come into effect immediately after the date of its signature, and remain in force for five years from that date.
In case neither of the high contracting parties should have notified twelve months before the expiration of the said five years the intention of terminating it, it shall remain binding until the expiration of one year from the day on which either of the high contracting parties shall have denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its expiration arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war, the alliance shall, ipso facto, continue until peace is concluded.
In faith whereof the undersigned, duly authorized by their respective Governments, have signed this agreement, and have affixed thereto their seals.
[l. s.]
His Britannic Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
[l. s.]
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at the Court of St. James.
Weihaiwei.
Earl Spencer asked the undersecretary of state for the colonies what were the intentions of His Majesty’s Government with regard to Weihaiwei.
The Earl of Onslow: My lords, I do not think I need trouble you with the early history of Weihaiwei, because it is probably well known to you. But I may say that the Government have held a careful inquiry into the advantages of the place as a military and naval station, and they have decided that the idea which was at one time entertained of fortifying it and keeping there a large garrison has been abandoned. There is at present there a Chinese regiment. That regiment will be gradually disbanded or withdrawn, and in future the administration of the colony will be undertaken by the police, which will be raised by the administrator of the colony itself. The position has been found to be one which could only be fortified at very great expense; but it is an extremely useful place for small-arms practice and for gunnery practice for the navy, as the bay is large and the water is shallow. It is also an extremely healthy station, and it is believed that in the course of a very short time a number of persons will utilize it as a sanitarium for Hongkong and Shanghai and other places on the coast of China. It will also be used as a sanitarium for our military and naval forces. It has been taken over by the colonial office from January 1, and the new administrator will be Mr. Lockhart, who has had many years official experience at Hongkong. It is hoped that in his hands the place will be made to yield a much larger revenue than that at present, which is something like £2,000 a year. The inhabitants are mostly fishermen and agriculturists who are not rich nor very prosperous; but there are capabilities about the colony which lead us to hope that before very long it will yield a much greater revenue than at present. Your [Page 516] lordships will recollect that Hongkong was in very much the same position as Wei-haiwei is today. It has no custom duties, no railway communication with the interior, and yet it has proved to be a very important commercial port, and Weihaiwei has the advantage of being on the highway from the Gulf of Pechili to northern China. It has an excellent harbor, labor is cheap, and there is therefore every reason to believe that it will continue to be a useful and valuable possession. At any rate, the rumor that there is an intention on the part of His Majesty’s Government to give it up, either returning it to China orhanding it over to another power, is entirely without foundation. His Majesty’s Government have no intention of abandoning the place, which they believe to be a very valuable possession. [Hear! hear!] The Earl of Rosebery said their lordships must have listened to the statement just made with mixed feelings. He had been in no way prepared for the explanation just made by the undersecretary for the colonies, for otherwise he would have endeavored to refresh his memory by some reference to the statements which were made at the time when Weihaiwei was first occupied. He recollected that the acquisition of the place had been announced with a flourish of trumpets, and now apparently all that was thought of it was that it was an important watering place. Was he to understand that the inquiry as to its naval and military value was held subsequently to its occupation by the Government? If so, some of the statements which were made at the time of its acquisition would appear to have been put forward with more rashness than was becoming in the case of a Government taking over an important post in an empire like China.
The Earl of Onslow: The inquiries were made subsequently to the lease.
The Earl of Rosebery said that Weihaiwei was no longer a naval base. It was no longer a place of arms; no longer a protection for our commerce or our fleets. It had become a sort of second-rate watering place. [Hear! hear! and laughter.] It was hoped that its salubrious climate would induce people to come and spend what was known as the unhealthy season there. He had no doubt that, if their lordships consulted the original authorities, they would find that the statements made by the Government compared somewhat strangely with the very piano announcement they had just listened to from the undersecretary of the colonies.
Viscount Goschen said that, as one who had held a responsible position at the admiralty when Weihaiwei was acquired, he had listened with a certain amount of surprise to some of the statements of the undersecretary of the colonies. He could assure their lordships that not long ago most exhaustive inquiries had been made into the capacities of Weihaiwei in various aspects. The question of the number of guns requisite for its fortification was carefully examined, and the subject of a breakwater was likewise considered. In fact a dredger was sent out to deepen the water. The number of battle ships which could find anchorage within the bay was also fully examined into. There was no lack of information originally, but he was disposed to think that on review His Majesty’s Government had come to the conclusion on fresh information acquired that the first opinions as to the value of Weihaiwei as a naval and military base could not be sustained. There could be no doubt at the same time that Weihaiwei occupied a most important position in the Gulf of Pechili, and any power holding it possessed a strategical advantage. He hoped the Government, in deciding that it should not be a fortified place, would state whether this decision was based on financial or strategical considerations. He was glad at the same time to hear that if Weihaiwei was not to be fortified there was no intention of handing it over to another power or of returning it to China. [Hear! hear!] He felt that their lordships had not sufficient information before them to enable them adequately to debate the change of policy on the part of the Government. As to the proposed disbandment of the Chinese regiment, he understood that it had been a very successful experiment. But if there were any international reasons against making a fuller statement he should be perfectly satisfied with the explanation of the Government.
The Earl of Portsmouth was of opinion that if Weihaiwei was not to be fortified and no money spent upon it, then the place would not be a strength, but a menace to us, and that therefore if we were not to take the necessary precautions to strengthen our position there we had much better retire. He could not help being impressed by a sense of the extraordinarily flippant and careless way in which the matter had been dealt with on the part of the Government.
The Earl of Selborne: I shall be prepared to go into this question at length on any occasion in which any one of your lordships brings it again before the notice of the House, and I think perhaps later on we shall be in a better position to discuss it in the fullest detail. But I have now, and at once, to say that the decision of this question has not been financial. It has been purely strategical, and that strategy was purely naval. Lord Rosebery spoke of Weihaiwei as the protection to British [Page 517] commerce. I think on reflection the noble earl would not repeat that. The only protection to British commerce in Chinese seas is the navy, and the value and importance of Weihaiwei is purely relative to the navy. Naval opinion as to the proper method of utilizing Weihaiwei has differed, and does differ; but speaking as one who has closely studied this question for more than a year, perhaps I may say that there is an extraordinary concurrence of naval opinion in favor of the course which the Government has adopted. There are, roughly speaking, two alternatives. One is to make Weihaiwei a fortress like Hongkong, the other is to use it as a peace base, and not to commit ourselves to the custody of the fortress. The naval opinion has been pronounced, and I venture strongly to concur with it, in favor of the latter course as against the former. While that decision has been taken and while naval opinion has pronounced itself in the degree I have mentioned in favor of this course, naval opinion is also equally strong as to the value, the great value, of this base to the navy, of value to the efficiency of the navy and of value to the health of the navy; and while I should oppose personally any attempt to turn Weihaiwei into a fortress like Hongkong I should also oppose any idea of surrendering it.
Earl Spencer asked the Government whether they would present full papers on the subject.
The Earl of Selborne, in reply, stated that many of the reports were confidential, but the Government would carefully consider the suggestion.