No. 68.
Mr. Hilliard to Mr. Evarts.

No. 36.]

Sir: I inclose a translation of a leader which appeared recently in the columns of O Cruzeiro, a paper published in this city, and understood to express the sentiments of the Liberal ministry now in power.

I have found, in my intercourse with the leading statesmen of the Liberal party, a strong desire to cultivate intimate relations with our country. They wish to deliver Brazil from the influence of European ideas, and to encourage in the people the growth of a vigorous sense of independence. Some of these leaders are extreme in their opinions) others are more moderate. But they all desire progress.

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They regard the institutions of the United States as a splendid illustration of the principles of free government. They express their admiration of a people who not only asserted their independence and threw off their colonial bondage, but who at the same time constructed a great free government in defiance of the traditions of the monarchies of Europe. You will observe this tone in the article which I inclose to you. The wisest men of the Liberal party do not desire at this time to effect any change in the form of their government, but they do earnestly desire to free themselves from the dominion of European ideas. They wish to direct the attention of the men now growing up to the civilization of the United States, as far more vigorous and wholesome than that which prevails in Europe. They favor what I name an American policy.

From the day of my arrival here I have endeavored to stimulate the sentiment. In my address to the Emperor I expressed my sentiments in strong language, and I have steadily pressed these views upon the public men of the empire from time to time.

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Without entering into the conflict of parties, I have at all times encouraged the growth of American sentiments.

The present minister of finance some time since, in a great speech in the Brazilian Parliament, eulogized the institutions of the United States in such strong terms that a Conservative member replied to him and said, “that one who entertained such sentiments ought to make his home in the United States.”

The gentleman made a grand reply, and said that it was perfectly consistent with loyalty to the Imperial Government of Brazil to direct the aspirations of his countrymen to the institutions of the greatest free government on the globe. He now has charge of one of the most important departments of the government.

In my judgment the progress of free principles in Brazil is quite as rapid as the best friends of the country could desire.

The imperial government is thoroughly constituted. The Emperor is an enlightened ruler; his personal qualities are of the first order; he fully comprehends the civilization of the present period; and he appreciates in the highest degree the institutions of the United States.

I am intimately acquainted with the leading statesmen of the empire, and I do not desire a more rapid advancement than I observe at this time.

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In the article from O Cruzeiro, which I forward, you will observe that reference is made to the convention recently concluded with Brazil for the protection of trade-marks of commerce and manufacture.

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I have, &c.,

[Inclosure in No. 36.—Translation.]

[O Cruzeiro, Rio, October 22.]

The establishment of a regular line of packets between Brazil and the United States raised our hopes. We received that improvement with enthusiasm. We welcomed from our hearts that new epoch which we judged to be opened to us; in which frequent and periodical intercourse with a people inspired by the good sense of Franklin should introduce to this country a, current of ideas which should quicken a new social life.

Little time has elapsed since the new enterprise has commenced to operate, and it could not reasonably be expected that within so short a space the relations between the two countries should be profoundly modified. But nothing can hinder us from desiring that the two peoples shall approach each other as rapidly as possible, and from pointing out the propriety of studying institutions and customs, such as that great nation in a period relatively short in the life of nations has developed with such useful results.

Unfortunately the English language is even to-day little known among us, and it is not to be wondered at that a people among whom their own journalism finds a comparatively small number of readers should make a most limited use of journals published in a foreign language. This is one obstacle that we encounter to the interchange of ideas between the two peoples; but it is exactly because such an obstacle exists that it behooves us to combat it in the most energetic way possible.

If the population of Brazil had an intimate knowledge, such as only the journals can give, of the daily public life of the United States; if they knew how public affairs are there administered, how critical conjunctures are solved, we are sure that from that comparison a great advantage would result to our political ideas, exhibiting frequently an easy solution for questions that present themselves to us as very intricate.

We do not present that nation as an absolute type which others must copy servilely; far from it. In the United States abuses have occurred which perchance sometimes reveal an imperfection in their institutions. Not because of that, however, does that country cease to be one of the most enviable for the dignity of its citizens, for the full liberty with which they exercise their rights, and above all for the absence of preconceptions of the old society—preconceptions that yet oppress us, and that we sometimes resist with a kind of insolence, when we ought rather to resist them with that calmness and serenity of mind born of a profound conviction of an incontestable right.

The difference between the republican form of the United States and the monarchical that actually exists in Brazil cannot oppose the least objection to the introduction into this country of many modifications of administration already tried with advantage in a kindred country. The chief difference between the two countries is that of races.

The Teutonic peoples really have aptitudes and habits sufficiently diverse from the Latin peoples, but their aspirations are the same. To-day all detest privilege; all long for fraternity; and the position that the United States occupy in North America is so analogous to that which Brazil occupies’ in South America that an intimate binding together of the two nations appears a fact as useful as inevitable.

Already has there been effected between the two countries a treaty in regard to commercial trade-marks; and we understand that an extradition treaty is under negotiation.

These are two works of morality, since the public international right does not suffice to guarantee the punishment of crimes and abuses.

A nation can never worthily give an asylum to those who have committed the gravest offenses in a foreign country; as little can it permit that in the one, the industrial products of the other be falsified with impunity.

The lack of protection for literary, scientific, and artistic property is an omission lamentable in the legislation of Brazil, which we hope to see remedied shortly.

At all events, the treaties which we are about to effect with the United States prove that attention is already turned to these subjects.

Let us pursue this course with ardor worthy of the objects.