You will observe whit is said about the American republics formerly
dependencies of Spain. There is now in Madrid a minister of Colombia
(accredited to Belgium), who will remain, he tells me, several months.
The natural source for the supply of manufactured goods to those regions
would seem to be in the United States. In case the lines of steamers
between this country and South America were established, though they
might carry some Spanish manufactures, yet I suspect that they would be
in much greater proportion the mere distributors of English wares.
What is said also in the article from the Epoca about agricultural
machinery is deserving of attention, the surface of the country in many
parts of Spain being as well adapted to their use as our own
prairies.
[Inclosure in No.
151—Translation.]
Spain and the United States in a commercial
point of view.
[From La Epoca, February 17,
1879.]
We have published the commercial statistics corresponding to the year
1874, that is to say, the movement of imports and exports between
Spain and the United States of America. It results from these
statistics, as the readers of the Epoca have seen, that the total
value of exports amounted to 20,366,420 pesetas, and that of imports
to 69,896,360 pesatas, a difference in favor of the latter of
49,529,940 pesetas.
To the United States we export raisins, grapes, lemons, almonds,
galls, common and high wines, oils, cork, common salt, and other
articles, and from the American Republic we import raw cotton,
petroleum, staves, tobacco, grain, lard, butter, salted meats,
leather, hides, &c.
It is plain that a great disproportion exists between the value of
products imported and exported. And this disproportion has its
origin not in the Spanish tariff, but in that of the United States;
which is a revenue tariff to excess, which imposes increased duties
on fruits and other articles, lessening the demands, as the Eco de
las Aduanas says, which there would be for our products if the
American tariff were different.
What is the conduct of Spain toward the United States? With the
exception of petroleum, which now pays increased duties, but of an
extraordinary and transitory character, the other articles either
pay no duty, like tobacco, which is imported in such great
quantities from Virginia and Kentucky, or pay weighing dues, like
raw cotton, or a low revenue duty like staves.
One of our esteemed colleagues says that the commercial policy of
Spain towards the United States is more acceptable than that which
the American Republic concedes to us. It depends upon her whether a
treaty of commerce maybe made, without preventing our considering
with the greatest interest whatever relates to our colonies. Just at
this moment the ministry of Hacienda is studying what modifications
may be possible in our existing laws to facilitate the development
of our commerce with Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines.
The Eco de las Aduanas believes that the concrete question of the
trade between Spain and the United States, may be settled,
independently of the other by means of a commercial treaty, by which
the treatment of the most favored nation should be [Page 940] granted, and the extraordinary duties
on petroleum renounced, obtaining in exchange considerable
reductions in the duties on fruits, wines, oils, and other articles
which we export to North America.
This is a controverted question. Let us see what an enlightened
writer says. According to him, should we conclude the treaty, the
following articles should be excluded from it, or charged with
protective duties: sugar, rice, flour, salt pork, lard, butter,
refined petroleum, and lead. As for raw petroleum it should be
included in the benefits of the treaty, because it lends itself to a
new industry—refining—which may establish itself in Spain.
What would Spain lose by concluding a commercial treaty with the
United States for two, three, or, at most, five years, by way of
experiment?
We believe that she would lose nothing, and that, on the contrary,
she would open a sure and very important market for all natural
productions of which she has a superabundance, at the same time
cheapening to her manufacturers the acquisition of products, without
which the complete development of her manufactures of cotton and
woolen cloths, tanned leather, dyes, casks, flour, and refined
petroleum cannot take place. Neither would the United States be
prejudiced by admitting the products of Spain at low duties.
But if a treaty is to be concluded, if its essential bases are to be
agreed on, we must wholly free ourselves from the spirit of
provincialism. The Catalans desire, and so does Spain, that their
many and prosperous manufactures should be protected; the Castilians
their wheat and flouring mills; Andalusians their wines, raisins,
almonds, and oil. All those industries are Spanish, and all those
products national, and accordingly we should not talk of this or
that province, and of this or that district, but of the country.
If hitherto it has been difficult to compete, for example, with the
grains of the United States in the principal European points of
consumption, such as Liverpool, London, Antwerp, Bordeaux, and
Marseilles; and if ships are constantly arriving at our
Mediterranean ports, the facilities of transport increased and
freights diminished, what will happen? Capital must converge toward
the country and be directed to agriculture. If the national wealth
is invested in stocks and withdrawn from agriculture, canals,
forests, and machinery will be wanting in the Castilian
provinces.
Usury is the most terrible enemy of the husbandman, and unfortunately
it is a plant which just now grows and is spreading in Spain. Our
farmers being reduced to mere sowers and reapers, machinery which
might simplify operations and save manual labor is not introduced.
We all know that by taking certain measures recommended by
experience, much would be gained; but we know also that to carry
them out a considerable previous outlay is necessary, which cannot
be made, because the usurious interest of the money he absolutely
needs compels the farmer to sell his crops before the harvest has
supplied him. And this circumstance forcing him to sell
unseasonably, that is to say, to pay in kind at a low price, without
being able to profit by favorable circumstances, he often finds
himself not only in no position to spend money in machinery, but
commonly unable to devote himself adequately to the most necessary
manual labor, since through want of resources he finds himself
obliged to practice economy, an unwise economy it is true, but
absolutely indispensable because nemo dat quod non
habet.
Little can be hoped here from private enterprise; there are rooted
vices in our habits, which not even experience itself demonstrating
their harmfulness will ever be able to extirpate.
But aside from the above considerations, and returning to the main
topic, we are bound to take up and present the opinion maintained by
an enlightened review. According to that publication it is
necessary, in order that Spanish products may compete with foreign,
“First, to lessen the intrinsic cost of our goods, which necessarily
implies a great development of manufacture, as we have already said
at the beginning of this article; second, to make transport cheaper
and more speedy, which requires considerable reforms in our
ship-building industry; third, to unify our customs legislation till
we reach a point where trade maybe carried on between Spain and the
colonies on the same footing, so far as duties are concerned, as
between the provinces of the Peninsula; and, fourth, to conclude
commercial conventions with the American republics, which may
stimulate the development of our mercantile relations.” That is to
say, that the preponderance of a nation springs from the development
of its foreign commerce, and the encouragement of its shipping
interest, which carries the national flag to all regions of the
known world.
Spain has the aptitude and the conditions for considerably extending
her commerce; first to her colonies, then to the Spanish-American
republics, and afterwards to neighboring countries. To attain this
end we need administrative reforms, which may be adopted with
greater or less speed; greater and more profound industrial
knowledge, easily acquired by the efforts of all; and commercial
conditions easy to be reached; and above all we need a most lively
desire that our country may grow great, rich, and respected.
[Page 941]
For example, the newspapers of Colombia desire and ask for the
establishment of direct communication between Spain and the ports of
that country.
Is not this a just desire and a legitimate aspiration? But the
establishment of that line of steamers would develop the marine, and
give new life to commercial transactions. Would not constant and
favorable relations with South America bring with them an indirect
protection to the flour of Castile, to the wines of Aragon.
Andalusia, La Mancha, and Catalonia, to the fruit of the
Mediterranean? Undoubtedly. A line of frequent and regular steamers
between Spanish ports and the United States—would it not be
opportune? Who doubts it? In the American Republic they want our
wines, our corks, our dried fruits, our esparto-grass, as well as
other products, like the Valencian pottery, which is beginning to be
introduced. In Spain we need machinery, petroleum, cereals (when the
crop of Castile fails or is short), cotton, and other products of
the United States, which we generally buy at second-hand.
Commerce nowadays is the true diplomacy. Mercantile conventions are
the treaties of alliance. But space fails us and we must suspend
this important task till another day.
