No. 236.
Mr. Washburne to Mr. Fish.
Paris , June 17, 1874. (Received July 2.)
Sir: * * * * * * *
The political event of the week has been the action of the National Assembly upon a proposition of the left center brought forward by Mr. Casimir Perier, the object of which was practically to have the Assembly declare the definitive establishment of the republic with two chambers and a president, chief of the executive power. It was known on Saturday last that Mr. Casimir Perier was to bring forward this proposition in the Assembly on Monday, and demand what is called “urgency” by the rules of that body. A matter of this importance naturally excited a great deal of interest, particularly as the uncertainty was so great as to what action the Assembly would take in the premises. As the day was likely to be an interesting one, I went to Versailles. Nearly all the deputies were present, and the galleries were crowded with spectators.
Mr. Casimir Perier introduced his proposition, and after an exciting discussion of two or three hours a vote was taken, which resulted in the adoption of “urgency” by a majority of four votes out of a vote of six hundred and eighty-six. The result was unexpected by the monarchist coalition, and its announcement created surprise and stupor.
All the ministers voted against this proposition of urgency, and, of course, found themselves in the minority. * * * * * Although this vote on urgency was, to a great extent, a test vote, and the republican papers have crowed over it very lustily, yet it is by no means conclusive. Under the rules of the Assembly, if urgency had not [Page 415] been voted, the proposition would have been consigned to a committee which is the general receptacle of all such projects, and where it would have never been heard of again. But urgency being voted, it went to the committee on constitutional laws, and that committee is obliged to consider it and report it back to the house. When reported back the regular readings are dispensed with, and the Assembly is obliged to act upon it to the exclusion of all other business. The committee to which the proposition has gone is undoubtedly opposed to it, and will make an adverse report. Then the Assembly will have to pass on it de novo, and the question is, can it pass in face of all the influences of the administration and of the legitimist and imperialist parties against it! The inclination of my opinion is that it will be finally rejected; but there is too much uncertainty in the matter to make any predictions. Its adoption will make another and quite a radical change in the government, for it involves a new ministry, to be taken from the various republican groups, and from the lightest shades of the right center, some members of which are inclined to accept the republic out of their mortal fear of the empire.
After the Assembly had finished with this business, a strange and unlooked-for event happened. The Duke de Larochefoucauld Bisaccia, French embassador at the court of St. James, London, rose and made the following motion:
- Article I. The government of France is a monarchy, having at its head the chief of the house of France.
- Art. II. Marshal MacMahon is appointed lieutenant-general of the kingdom.
- Art. III. The monarchical institutions shall he regulated by the nation and the king.
This was like a clap of thunder in midwinter. That a man holding so high an office under the government of the republic should deliberately make a proposition to change the form of the government he served, created profound surprise, and that surprise was intensified when it was found that nearly half of the Assembly rose promptly to second him, including even the Bonapartists. And, indeed, it was an extraordinary spectacle to see nearly all the men who had voted the septennate, and sworn that they would stand by MacMahon through fire and blood for seven years, turning deliberately round, and declaring France to be a monarchy, “having at its head the chief of the house of France.” Even half of the ministers of Marshal MacMahon voted for this proposition. It was, however, lost by a rising and standing vote, by about sixty majority, as near as could be estimated. The whole thing, therefore, turned out to be a “fiasco,” and its effect has been to weaken the anti-republican coalition very materially. Consequently, the Duke de Larochefoucauld Bisaccia has been very roundly abused for bringing forward his proposition at that time. All the Paris journals say that he sent in his resignation immediately after the adjournment of the Assembly, and that it was promptly accepted; but the official journal makes no mention of the fact. It is quite evident, however, that he will have to go, for after having taken the step he has in the Assembly, in the face of France and of Europe, it will be hardly possible for him to hold on; and this is rather a pity, for I believe that he has made a very popular and acceptable embassador at London. It was observed that the Duke Decazes, minister of foreign affairs, voted against the proposition of his London embassador, and hence it appears probable that the resignation of the Duke of Bisaccia will be accepted if offered.
I have, &c.,