Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of despatches from the department numbered from 291 to 302, both inclusive; also, the two despatches numbered 281 and 287, heretofore noted as missing; also, two circulars, one in writing, enclosing a copy of the emancipation bill, as proposed in the message of the President, the other printed, containing directions to the legation in regard to charges for passports. And lastly, three printed copies of the treaty lately executed for the more effectual suppression of the slave trade.
This is the closing week of the session of parliament. Ministers indulged in the valedictory whitebait dinner yesterday, and nothing remains to be done but to perfect the details of the bill intended to give temporary relief to the operatives of the manufacturing districts during the continuance of the difficulty about cotton. It is announced that the Queen, after a brief sojourn in Scotland, is to visit the continent and spend the autumn in seclusion in Germany. So that, to all outward appearances, no expectation is entertained of the happening of any public event to vary the customary monotony of the amusements of the vacation. The speech of Sir George Cornwall Lewis, in the course of a debate last week about Canada, seemed to indicate a state of security against difficulty in America which, if well founded, would leave us nothing to desire. According to this representation, I should feel justified in making my calculations upon a considerable period of repose.
On the other hand, I cannot fail to perceive the progressive consolidation of the popular prejudice against America under the operations of the continuous denunciations of the London Times. The sympathies of the higher classes are decidedly enlisted in the struggle, not from any particular affection [Page 160] for either side, but from a longing to see the political power of the United States permanently impaired. The direction which this sentiment takes is naturally most in opposition to the government which aims to reinstate its authority. That it will embody itself in any form likely to dictate action, I do not venture to predict. Much will depend upon chance or the occurrence of some favorable opportunity. At present it remains inert, and rather looking out in the hope of movement from abroad than desirous to originate anything at home.
The constant cry is that the Emperor of France will interfere. The wish is so much the father to the thought that it is difficult to make people believe this ministry is not interposing much too stubbornly against the execution of his desire. If I am to credit the rumors that I hear from sources claiming to be of high authority, the Emperor has sent for Mr. Slidell and announced that he is ready to recognize the rebel States without the concurrence of England. But for the sake of courtesy he desires him to direct Mr. Mason to make a new application to the ministers, so as finally to test the determination here. These are stories which I trace pretty directly to the confederate emissaries themselves, who sedulously agitate this alternation of rumors between the two countries to serve their ends. Of the degree of credit to which they are entitled, you are in a position better qualified to judge than I. My object is simply to warn you of the prevailing temper which certainly desires interposition of some kind, and which, therefore, cannot be regarded as entirely prognosticating calmness and peace. Hence it must be remembered that however favorable the ministry here may now be to the maintenance of their declared policy, they are not in a condition to stand long in resistance to any popular outcry prompted by the concentrated passions of an agitated community. The experience of the case of the Trent is of too recent occurrence to make it necessary to seek further for an illustration of what I mean.
In this view it is impossible to over estimate the degree of influence that attaches to the operations of the war of America. The tendency being always to undervalue the progress of one party and to magnify the success of the other, it is of some importance to me to be possessed, as nearly as possible, of the precise position of things. I am, therefore, much indebted to you for the accounts regularly furnished to me, giving the latest information on the subject. An impression is sedulously given that General McClellan’s force is practically annulled, and that the whole work of restoration is to begin anew. This is very much aided by the complete darkness that surrounds the situation of the rebels. The exaggeration so prevalent in all our own papers, both of their numbers and condition, is skilfully used against us to prove that whilst we are suffering they are in a state of comparative ease and comfort. How diametrically opposite to the actual facts is this assumption it is needless to point out. The imagination can, if rightly moved, cover up the most unsightly skeleton in the robes of an angel of light, I shall always be glad to be possessed of the means to dissipate these illusions. But in order so to do most effectually, it is indispensable that the information given me should not only be full, but explicit, as well in regard to the less as the more favorable aspects of the situation. The best item in your last seems to me to be that the President has determined once more to give military unity to the conduct of the war. The fatal experience of Napoleon, in giving separate commands to his officers in the war of the Peninsula, appears to be a standing lesson against the repetition of such mistakes.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.