Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981–1988, Volume XXIV, North Africa

92. Telegram From the Embassy in Morocco to the Department of State¹

7144.

Rabat, July 22, 1988, 1636Z

SUBJECT

• Maghreb Joint Commission: Libyan Role, “Security,” and Moroccan-Algieran Normalization.

Refs:

• (A) Algiers 3867,²
• (B) DIA WASHDC 210010Z Jul 88.³

1. (Confidential—Entire text).

2. Summary: (a) On the Libyan role at the July 14 political commission meeting in Algiers, MFA rep said that Qadhafi’s extreme union proposals had irritated the commission and resulted in Libya’s receipt of the least important committee assignment; (b) on “security,” a subject reported in the Moroccan press as part of Tunisia’s committee portfolio, there has been some speculation that the Grand Maghreb will turn its attention to “the presence of foreign military bases in the region;” (c) Foreign Minister Filali reported agreement on the margins at Algiers to set up two new Moroccan-Algerian mixed committees, to meet this September. End summary.

3. Ref wrap-ups of July 14 Maghreb Political Commission results tally well with what we hear in Rabat that, creation of the five committees aside, the Commission took no substantive decisions and focused almost entirely on economic and other non-political issues. At the same time, some additional aspects have emerged at this end:

4. Libyan Role at Algiers
MFA Islamic and Arab Affairs Counselor Benbrahim told us that the commission had been irritated by extreme Libyan integration proposals and, as a result, Libya had been given the least important of the committee assignments, i.e, structure and organization. (The hottest committee assignments, according to Benbrahim, were those dealing with economics, education and culture.) Concerning specific Libyan proposals, the Counselor confirmed that brief Moroccan press reports were essentially correct—e.g. A “union of Maghrebian states” in which supreme authority rested with a Council of Heads of State (with authority for war and peace). There would be an Executive Council, a General Secretariat (with large budgetary powers) and Legislative and Judiciary Councils. The “union” would have a common currency, foreign policy and armed forces. Qadhafi had also proposed the unification of economic, cultural, commercial and social sectors.

5. When asked if he thought Morocco would follow Algerian and Tunisian leads in abolishing visa requirements for Libyans, Benbrahim said he could not make a prediction. On the one hand, Morocco was losing Libyan tourism because of its visa requirement; on the other, free circulation of Libyans would present a threat to Moroccan security.

6. “Security”
According to earliest Moroccan press accounts of commission results, Tunisian committee assignment of social affairs and human resources also included “security.” A subsequent unattributed press analysis had it that, according to diplomatic circles, the Tunisian committee assignment would be one of the most difficult, involving as it did “the presence of foreign military bases in the region . . .” All three MFA officials whom we asked about “security and foreign bases” cautiously said they thought the subject had not been discussed at Algiers and, in any event, was a matter which involved the sovereignty of each member state. On the other hand, Algerian Embassy Counselor here said that discussion of this subject was only logical. The term “security,” he continued was vague and was meant to encompass the various insecurities of each member—i.e. for Tunisia it was fundamentalism and the frontier with Libya, for Libya, the Gulf of Sidra, for Mauritania, the threat to its neutrality, and for Morocco the Polisario, etc. An informed Istiqlali journalist told us that discussion of “security” was a natural development within the Maghrebian context, adding that new Maghrebian directions would be toward greater non-alignment, away from the U.S. and the USSR, and toward Europe, if not France.

7. Comment: Although we are not sure whether the subjects of security and foreign military bases were actually brought up in Algiers, it would appear that they may be blowing in the Maghreb breeze, and that some would not be adverse to an airing of them within the confines of the emerging Grand Maghreb. End comment.

8. Moroccan-Algerian Normalization
On his return from Algiers, Foreign Minister Filali told reporters that he had held bilateral discussions with Ibrahimi. The two had reviewed with satisfaction bilateral progress since the resumption of relations, and agreed that the successful work of the mixed committee on the free circulation of persons and goods, should be followed up with further mixed committee meetings on economic relations and on culture and education, to be held in September in Algiers and Rabat respectively. Filali expressed the hope that the Grand Moroccan-Algerian Mixed Commission would meet this year, whether before or after the meeting of the Maghrebian Commission in Rabat on October 24.

Hawes

1. Source: Department of State, Central Foreign Policy File, Electronic Telegrams, D880638–0820. Confidential. Sent for information to Algiers, Nouakchott, Paris, Riyadh, and Casablanca.
2. In telegram 3867 from Algiers, July 18, the Embassy reported: “Maghreb Political Commission ended work July 14 by setting up five committees, each to be chaired by a different state, to explore different aspects of regional cooperation.” The Embassy continued: “While the Libyan delegation pressed theme of union, views of the other four countries on the need to give priority to economic integration prevailed. Meeting further consecrated idea that the Maghreb is a five-nation affair, reinforcing impression that regional cooperation will not be held hostage to the Western Sahara and indeed that progress on the Maghreb may render a solution to the war more palatable to Algeria and Morocco.” (Department of State, Central Foreign Policy File, Electronic Telegrams, D880615–0692)
3. Not found.