Foreign Relations of the United States, 1977–1980, Volume XXX, Public Diplomacy

32. Memorandum From Paul Henze of the National Security Council Staff to the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Brzezinski)¹

Washington, April 4, 1977

SUBJECT

• Status Report—BIB and Related Matters

I talked with Gronouski at noon today. He feels he had a very successful Washington visit and accomplished just what he intended—laying the groundwork for good relations with Congress:

• He had an excellent meeting with McGovern on the afternoon of 31 March. McGovern told him Stanton had come to ask for his support, and he had told him his position would depend on man President chose. McGovern said he delighted at Gronouski’s selection, thought he extremely well qualified for job and that he would support him in every way. (Gronouski commented that he had supported McGovern in 1972.)²

• He saw Percy briefly; Percy told him he had favored Stanton but was delighted with his selection and would support him in every respect.

• He stopped at Humphrey’s office, though Humphrey was not in; said he knew Humphrey would support him.

• He saw Sparkman, who congratulated him warmly and assured him of support of his committee; he feels confident, therefore, that confirmation itself is no problem.

• He had good luncheon meeting with John Hayes and Leonard Marks on 31 March and got extensive advice from them on BIB Staff members. They told him Jim Critchlow would be best choice as staff chief. (He would be.)

• He stopped by Abshire’s office to leave greetings and let Abshire know he would like to talk to him in future (a true political operator, Gronouski!).

Gronouski says he does not want to come back to Washington until his confirmation hearings but if trouble develops with one of these Congressional committees he will call and let his views be known. He wants no new legislation and wants to get feel of job during first year before suggesting any changes in organizational structure; he does plan to change BIB staff.

Congressional Subcommittee hearings last week are felt by radios to have gone badly. There is talk, primarily by Senator Pell, of need for new legislation putting BIB and RFE/RL boards together and making other changes to “increase the authority” of the BIB. This has radios quite worked up and I have been on phone twice today with John Hayes about it. He and I agree that radios are a little too neurotic about this because it is not at all clear that legislation could pass and it certainly will not pass quickly. Hayes and Marks are mobilizing various people with influence on the Hill to make point that it is unfair when BIB is getting new chairman and two new members to rush to legislate changes. Gronouski should be given chance to work with system and then see whether he thinks he needs adjustments.

RECOMMENDATION: As occasion arises over next couple of weeks, it would be useful if you could make this point to some Senators and Congressmen: to Pell, e.g., to Humphrey and Percy and to people such as Zablocki and Fascell in House.

A rather frank conversation with Jim Critchlow gave me some new insight into what has actually been going on in conjunction with these Congressional subcommittee hearings. It seems that within BIB Tony Shub is monopolizing congressional matters and has been working very closely with the staff members of the various committees, especially John Ritch, who works for the SFRC and who has been in the forefront of the pro-Stanton anti-Griffith lobby. Shub has been providing much of the questioning that has been put to BIB and radio representatives at the hearings . . . Shub has also been briefing journalists such as David Binder (who was present at the SFRC subcommittee³ meeting on Friday,⁴ and Curtis Wilke, the Boston Globe reporter who attacked Griffith on 26 March. It’s all pretty incestuous, with BIB Staffer Shub (encouraged by Walter Roberts) mounting, jointly with Congressional staff people, an attack on the BIB and the radios . . . Somewhat of a covert action operation in its own right . . . .

Question of appointing Griffith remains exactly where it was when I reported to you last, and we still have no final word on Frelinghuysen. I am keeping pressure on Landon Butler’s office. As soon as we find we can move ahead on these appointments, I recommend you consider desirability of 2–3 very selected calling efforts: to Humphrey, Percy and, perhaps Sparkman. Meanwhile, we can generate some other positive contacts with Congress. Gronouski stated to me today that he hoped Griffith appointment could go through. Said no one he talked to in Congress raised it with him as an issue.

Meanwhile, State/INR has done very interesting short paper on Communist attacks on western radios ⁵ and finds that all the major ones—VOA, BBC, Deutsche Welle as well as RFE/RL—have been under stepped-up attack for several weeks. Attacks began when they realized President Carter was going to push human rights and long before program for expansion of transmitter strength of the American radios was announced.⁶ In early February, e.g., TASS lambasted VOA as “one of the most powerful mouthpieces of American imperialism.” Attacks on RFE/RL intensified in mid-February and seem to have been initially centered on these radios’ support of dissenters.⁷ Moscow and Eastern Europeans have been stressing notion of “illegality” of RFE/RL activities and their alleged inappropriateness in light of Helsinki accord. In short, this study discredits the notion that the radios have been attacked because the President announced the expansion program and that this shocked the Russians into all sorts of other negative activity. They didn’t have to wait for that announcement to reveal their uneasiness and strike back.

1. Source: Carter Library, National Security Affairs, Brzezinski Material, Subject File, Box 9, Board for International Broadcasting (RFE, RL, VOA): 2–12/77. Confidential. Sent for information. An unknown hand drew a downward pointing arrow at Henze’s name in the “from” line. Dodson initialed the top right-hand corner of the memorandum. According to an attached NSC Correspondence Profile, Brzezinski “noted” the memorandum on April 6. (Ibid.)
2. McGovern was the Democratic Party nominee for President in 1972.
3. This subcommittee consists of Senators McGovern (Ch), Percy, Pell, Biden and Baker. [Footnote is in the original.]
4. April 1.
5. Not found and not further identified.
6. See footnote 3, Document 14.
7. See Document 8.