Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–11, Part 2, Documents on South America, 1973–1976

349. Telegram 2046 From the Embassy in Uruguay to the Department of State¹

Montevideo, June 7, 1976, 1723Z.

2046. Subject: Possible International Implications of Violent Deaths of Political Figures Abroad. Ref: State 137156.

The following sub-paragraphs respond to similarly lettered sub-paragraphs of para 2 of reftel.

A) The deaths of Uruguayan refugees or exiles abroad could have been arranged by the GOU through institutional ties to governmental or other groups in Argentina, the only country in which to our knowledge such exile deaths are known to have taken place. However, the question is not whether they could have been arranged but rather were they in fact so arranged. We know of no evidence to indicate that the recent deaths of Michelini, Gutierrez, and Mr. and Mrs. Whitelaw, have been the result of any GOU action, or desire, or by “arrangement”. A source close to the President told us that speculation in the palace was that an official Argentine group killed the four acting independently of the GOA; Blanco Party leaders here close to the murder victims have told us they do not believe that the GOU was in any way responsible; [1 line not declassified] that the killings had been stupid and senseless.” Furthermore, considering the fact that these persons lived safely in Argentina for a number of years, and considering the relatively stable political and security situation here, we see no reason why the GOU should suddenly take a new and different tack concerning the four. Some observers here speculate that these people may have been victims of far-rightist terrorist groups, or death squads, who by killing prominent leftist exiles seek to demonstrate that Argentina is no safe place for any such; and some believe these groups act at least within a margin of tolerance by some levels of Argentine police.

B) There have been no known deaths of foreign political refugees or asylees in Uruguay.

C) We have no evidence to support allegations of international arrangements to carry out such assassinations or executions. [less than 1 line not declassified] indicate that intelligence is exchanged among official security services and that Uruguayan officials do travel to Argentina and Chile on occasion to interrogate Uruguayan prisoners or to obtain results of interrogations by those officials. [less than 1 line not declassified] indicate that Uruguayan authorities are opposed to the killings of any Uruguayans arrested, as they want the prisoners held as sources of information. These reports therefore tend to deny the existence of international arrangements to carry out assassinations.

D) We do not have evidence of any agreed or standing blanket arrangements about governments of the area to return political asylees against their will to their countries of origin. Uruguayan police tell liaison that they have no such arrangements, and the DATT reports that his contacts have never given any hint of the possibility that such arrangements exist. [less than 1 line not declassified] However, that former Argentine CGT Leader Casildo Herreras, who arrived here before the coup, had been under surveillance in Uruguay and was to have been picked up quietly and returned to Argentine authorities. This was reported as being done at the request of a senior Argentine official with the approval of President Bordaberry. If true, we consider this an isolated case; and considering the level to which that request reportedly went, it seems unlikely that there is any standing arrangement. This is a technical point, but Herreras was not here at that time as a refugee or political asylee. He obtained asylum in the Mexican Embassy after the coup. Also, it is possible that even Herreras would not have been turned over in a surreptitious manner as a FonOff source told us at the time that the GOA was considering an extradition request and according to ARD, a senior military officer and senior FonOff official traveled to Buenos Aires to consult with Argentine authorities concerning Argentine plans for formal extradition proceedings.

Siracusa

1. Summary: The Embassy reported that although the GOU could have arranged the deaths of Uruguayan exiles in Argentina, it had no evidence that the GOU did so. The Embassy doubted that the GOU would have seen a need to arrange for their killings, given “the relatively stable political and security situation here.”

   Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy File, D760219–0064. Secret; Immediate. Repeated for information to Asuncion, Brasilia, Buenos Aires, La Paz, and Santiago. In telegram 137156 to Buenos Aires, Montevideo, Asuncion, Santiago, Brasilia, and La Paz, June 4, the Department asked whether “the deaths of political refugees or asylees from your country abroad could have been arranged by your host government through institutional ties to groups, governmental or other, in the country where the deaths took place” and whether the posts had “evidence to support or deny allegations of international arrangements among governments to carry out such assassinations or executions.” (National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy File, D760214–0807) In telegram 2082 from Montevideo, June 9, the Embassy noted that although “Uruguayan security officers have also informed GOA of such Uruguayans of interest to GOU,” the embassy believed “that such identification, if it does occur, is for purpose of detention in Argentina and subsequent interrogation.” (National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy File, D760221–1040)