86. Minutes of Secretary of State Kissinger’s Principals and Regionals Staff Meeting1

[Omitted here are a list of attendees and discussion of unrelated matters.]

Mr. Rogers: Torrijos’ response to the press yesterday was tempered.2

[Page 234]

Secretary Kissinger: I noticed we volunteered it.

What did Jorden do—wait a while until it was on the ticker and run right in?

Mr. Rogers: Yes.3

Secretary Kissinger: Why?

Mr. Rogers: Because he wouldn’t be too surprised. Hopefully, a structured response. It was a good response. He said he couldn’t understand how the Congress of the United States could be impatient with appropriations of money for negotiations that dragged on for 11 years. (Laughter.) But privately he’s made very clear that he does not think he can told it together unless he gets these negotiations back on the track. And it’s pretty clear that the House vote brings the issue right out on the table.

It’s going to come up on the Senate floor for a very clear vote. And the question of a floor vote is whether or not those negotiations ought to be resumed.

Mr. Ingersoll: Well, you’ve got the Defense Department out campaigning against us very strongly. There’s an article by Marilyn Berger this morning pointing out that Callaway is against it and DOD.4 I talked to Clements yesterday and he said, “We have a disagreement.” I said, “Yes, but you should at least give the options to the President—decide what he wants to do.” He said, “That’s up to the State Department. They’re actively campaigning against us.”

Mr. Rogers: There’s a strong belief up on the Hill, according to Dante, that the decision has already been made—not by the President but, at least, his chief advisers—to finesse the issue to 1977. And this was one of the reasons why there was a considerable vote on that amendment yesterday. Dante told me this the night before last.

Secretary Kissinger: Fascell?

Mr. Rogers: Yes. And he also said that both Callaway and Clements are vigorous up on the Hill—expect to postpone it.

Secretary Kissinger: This is crazy.

Mr. Rogers: It is.

Now, the issue comes up. It’s going to come up in the Senate—there’s no question about it. They sustain the amendment or amend [Page 235] it. There’s no way to avoid the issue unless you don’t want an appropriation.

Secretary Kissinger: I’m in favor of vetoing it—just on the principle that this way the Congress is going to run everybody’s negotiation.

Mr. Rogers: Well, if you could beat it off on the Senate floor, obviously you’re better off. Otherwise it’s news to Panama. If the Senate sustains the House, the ballgame’s over, because that puts Panama—notice that we can’t get the treaty through. So what the hell is the sense of going forward with the negotiations?

Secretary Kissinger: I’ve got to talk to the President.

Mr. Rogers: I think if we can reverse the House and the Senate, we can put this to advantage. We can demonstrate to the Panamanians what a serious political problem we have. And we’re prepared to go down the line on the situation. If we lose in the Senate, I think the ballgame is over.

Mr. Ingersoll: You can turn off DOD without a great deal. You’ve got Callaway being his campaign manager. He’s the one that’s campaigning.5

Mr. Rogers: Well, you saw what he said in the Berger story, which can not be compared with what the President has publicly said this morning.6

Secretary Kissinger: What did he say?

Mr. Rogers: He made an eloquent plea about the—it’s in the note also—about what Marilyn had to say about the Goldwater statement7

Mr. Ingersoll: Over at the left side on the bottom, where Goldwater commented on your comment. (Pointing to document Secretary Kissinger is reading.)

Secretary Kissinger: O.K.

Mr. Rogers: One footnote with respect to Panama. We have that question of the waiver for that small loan, which is on your desk—which I’d like to get signed before you leave.

Secretary Kissinger: For what?

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Mr. Rogers: Waiving the provisions of the AID act, which bars assistance—

Secretary Kissinger: It’s between you and Callaway’s office. It’s not on my desk until I see it.

Mr. Rogers: I’ll get your signature this morning. I’ll talk to him.

[Omitted here is discussion of unrelated matters.]

  1. Source: National Archives, RG 59, Transcripts of Secretary of State Kissinger’s Staff Meetings, 1973–1977, Lot 78D443, ES177, Secretary’s Staff Meeting, June 27, 1975. Secret. The minutes list both an 8 a.m. and a 9:10 a.m. start time for the meeting.
  2. On June 27, Panamanian newspapers reported that Torrijos remained confident that the “United States would live up to its commitment to negotiate” despite the passage of the State Department’s appropriations bill containing the Snyder Amendment. (Telegram 3817 from Panama City, June 27; National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy File, D750223–0835) In a June 27 memorandum to Kissinger, Rogers stated that Torrijos “reacted in a sober and understanding fashion,” and also commented that “senior Defense officials” encouraged Snyder to add his amendment. (National Archives, RG 59, Ambassador Bunker’s Correspondence, 78D300, Box 3, Congress)
  3. In telegram 3808 from Panama City, June 27, Jorden summarized the Embassy’s actions after learning the Snyder Amendment had passed, including his discussion with Torrijos. (National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy File, D750222–0984)
  4. A reference to a June 27 article by Marilyn Berger, “House Rejects Funds for Canal Zone Talks.” Callaway was quoted as saying: “There’s the feeling that the Canal is enormously valuable, that we paid for it and it’s ours.” (Washington Post, June 27, 1975, p. A3)
  5. Callaway resigned as Secretary of the Army on July 3 to become President Ford’s campaign manager.
  6. Not found.
  7. In her article Berger quoted Goldwater’s criticism of Kissinger for giving Panamanian leaders false hope: “I think he is making a big mistake encouraging a relatively small country that partly looks upon this Canal as a salvation. Getting their hopes up and then getting it killed in the Senate is bound to cause trouble with Panama.”