75. Memorandum From the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs (Brown) to the Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs (Johnson)1
SUBJECT
- Chronology of Events Relating to Status of the Senkaku Islands
In response to your request, there follows a chronology of events relating to the status of the Senkaku Islands:
1943—Cairo Declaration Strips Japan of Pacific Islands Seized or Occupied Since First World War
While the Cairo Declaration stated the “purpose” of the signatories that “all the territories Japan has stolen from the Chinese, such as Manchuria, Formosa, and the Pescadores, shall be restored to the Republic of China,” it does not mention the Ryukyus or the Senkakus.
1945—Potsdam Declaration Limits Japanese Sovereignty but Does Not Specify Senkakus
In the Potsdam Declaration of 1945, the signatories affirmed the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out and limited Japanese [Page 205] sovereignty to the four major islands of Japan and to “such minor islands as we determine.” The Senkakus are not mentioned.
1951—US Acquires Administrative Rights to Senkakus Under Peace Treaty with Japan
Under Article 3 of the Peace Treaty, the US acquired administrative rights to “Nansei Shoto south of 29 degrees north latitude (including the Ryukyu Islands and the Daito Islands).”
The term “Nansei Shoto” was understood by the US and Japan on the basis of a 1939 Japanese map to include the Senkakus Islands which were being administered as a part of Okinawa prefecture. (The GRC note of March 15, 1971, acknowledges that the islands were included in Okinawa Prefecture after 1895.)
The US has been administering the Senkakus as part of the Ryukyus since the conclusion of the peace treaty.
1953—Civil Administration Proclamation No. 27 Includes Senkakus in Ryukyuan Area Under US Administration
Proclamation No. 27 (US Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands, December 25, 1953) defined the territorial jurisdiction of the US Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands and the Government of the Ryukyu Islands as “all those islands, islets, atolls and rocks and territorial waters” within specific geographic coordinates that included the Senkaku Islands. (In an oral presentation on September 15, 1970 and in its note of March 15, 1971 the GRC took the position that it did not challenge the inclusion of the Senkakus in the US administration of the Ryukyus since it regarded our military presence in the Ryukyus as important to the maintenance of regional security.)
1968—ECAFE Geophysical Survey Indicates Possible Oil Deposits Under Yellow and East China Seas
The ECAFE survey, made by a group of scientists from the United States, Japan, the Republic of China, and South Korea, found that the continental shelf in the Yellow and East China Seas may be one of the richest oil reserves in the world. The Senkaku Islands lie in an area that gives promise of oil resources. Japanese interest in affirming sovereignty over the Senkakus probably was inspired by the possibility that it could thereby strengthen its claim to a portion of the continental shelf.
Fall of 1968—GOJ Requests USG to Remove Chinese from Senkakus
Japan protested that the United States was not taking adequate measures to protect Japan’s residual sovereignty over the Senkakus. Japan objected to the presence of Chinese from Taiwan while they salvaged a stranded vessel.
At our request, the Government of the Republic of China (GRC) agreed to see to it that Chinese going there followed appropriate entry procedures.
[Page 206]Spring of 1969—Ryukyuan Government Posts Signs Regarding Administrative Jurisdiction of Senkakus
The Government of the Ryukyu Islands posted signs on the Senkakus proclaiming them to be under administration of the Ryukyu Islands.
November 21, 1969—Nixon–Sato Communiqué Agreeing to Okinawan Reversion
The GRC insisted that it should be consulted on reversion but did not raise the specific question of the Senkakus.
July 17, 1970—GRC Claims Natural Resources of Unspecified Area of Continental Shelf
The GRC announced that it could exercise its sovereign right over all natural resources in the seafloor and its subsoil in the vicinity of the coast of the Republic of China and beyond its territorial waters. The statement was preparatory to the announcement of large concession zones.
July 20, 1970—Japan Claims Senkakus
In a note to the GRC (not revealed to us) the GOJ apparently asserted its claims to sovereignty over the Senkakus.
August, 1970—Japan States Claim Publicly
In a statement to the Upper House of the Diet, Foreign Minister Aiichi stated that the GOJ consistently has claimed the Senkakus as part of Nansei Shoto and, therefore, of the area over which it has residual sovereignty.
July 28, 1970—GRC Assigns to Gulf Concession Area That Includes Senkakus
The GRC-owned China Petroleum Corporation signed a contract with Gulf for joint exploration and exploitation of an area of the continental shelf including the Senkakus.
August 21, 1970—GRC Ratifies 1958 Continental Shelf Convention With Reservation Applying to Senkakus
The GRC ratified the 1958 Convention on the Continental Shelf with a reservation providing that “in determining the boundary of the continental shelf of the Republic of China, exposed rocks and islets shall not be taken into account.” In effect, the GRC was stating that, even if Japan should claim the Senkakus, sovereignty over them would not entitle Japan to a share of the shelf.
September 2, 1970—Taipei Journalists Plant Flag on Senkakus
A group of journalists from Taipei’s China Times and the crewmen of their vessel planted the flag of the Republic of China on Uotsuri, the largest of the Senkaku Islands. The GRC said the act had not been done at its direction. The flag was removed a few days later with US approval, by a Ryukyuan patrol.
[Page 207]September 10, 1970—State Department Gives US Position on the Status of the Senkakus
In answer to a press question, the Department spokesman said the US intends to return the Senkakus to Japanese administration under the Nixon–Sato agreement but considers any conflicting claims to be a matter for resolution by the parties concerned.
September 15, 1970—Vice Foreign Minister Shen, in an oral presentation to Ambassador McConaughy, rejected Japan’s claim to sovereignty and urged that the USG avoid statements on this subject. He did not assert a GRC claim or raise the question of reversion.
September 16, 1970—Mr. Green confirmed to Ambassador Chow Shu-kai that we consider the Senkakus to be part of the Ryukyus but take no position on the dispute between the GRC and the GOJ.
October 1970—The GOJ informed the GRC that the question of sovereignty over the Senkakus was not negotiable.
December 3, 1970—People’s Republic of China Asserts Its Claim to Sovereignty Over the Senkakus
In NCNA statement, Peking protested the incorporation of the Senkakus into Japanese territory.
February 1971—GRC Claims Sovereignty Over Senkakus
The GRC publicly and for the first time asserted its own claim to the islands.
March 15, 1971—GRC Asks US to Withhold Senkakus from Okinawa Reversion
In a diplomatic note, the GRC requested the United States to exclude the Senkaku Islands from the reversion of Okinawa to Japan. (This action evidently was prompted by the rising anti-Senkaku reversion movement in the US.)
April 12—In his farewell call on the President, Ambassador Chow Shu-kai raised the Senkaku issue. At the President’s suggestion, Ambassador Chow reviewed the GRC’s position with Mr. Kissinger, who listened without comment.
May 26, 1971—US Note Responding to the GRC States That US Intends to Turn Senkakus Over to Japan (attached)
May 31, 1971—Foreign Minister Chow Shu-kai, on instructions from President Chiang, reiterated the GRC request that we withhold the Senkakus when the Ryukyus are returned to Japanese administration.
June 4, 1971—Ambassador Shen Asks US to Persuade Japan to Discuss Status of Senkakus with GRC
In a representation to Mr. Green, Ambassador Shen reiterated the GRC request. Shen offered the personal suggestion, however, that the US try to persuade the Japanese to discuss the status of the Senkakus [Page 208] with the GRC. Mr. Green said that he would give Shen’s suggestion some thought. (It is doubtful that the GOJ would agree to discuss the question of sovereignty over the Senkakus, given their previouss position. GOJ reluctance probably is strengthened by the desire to avoid a dispute with the PRC over this issue.)2
- Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1970–73, POL 32–6 SENKAKU. Secret. Drafted by Mary E. McDonnell and Thomas P. Shoesmith in EA/ROC. A handwritten notation indicates that it was “LDXed to WH-Kissinger” on June 7. No record has been found of Ambassador Johnson’s original request for a chronology.↩
- On June 9, during a meeting with Aichi, Rogers raised the issue of the public reaction of young Chinese to the inclusion of the Senkakus in the territories to be returned to Japan. Rogers asked Aichi “whether Japan could not take some steps which would not affect its legal position to dampen this reaction, pointing out that the GRC had officially raised this subject with us and stressing that it would be very helpful if the Japanese could fairly promptly initiate discussions with the GRC.” Aichi responded that the reversion agreement avoided mentioning the Senkakus by name, but noted that if it appeared necessary, Japan could discuss this subject with the Government of the Republic of China. Rogers “commented that we did not think of this point as a condition for the agreement, but did wish to point out that the reversion agreement does not affect the jurisdictional problem one way or another.” (Memorandum of conversation, June 9, Part I of III; ibid., POL 19 RYU IS)↩