Eisenhower Library, Eisenhower papers, Whitman file

Memorandum by the Secretary of State to the President

top secret

Subject:

  • Korea
[Page 1543]

If the attached cable from General Hull has not otherwise come to your attention, I suggest that you read it.

I think this whole subject of Korea should be urgently considered, particularly having regard to the prospective presence there of Vice President Nixon on November 12.

If Nixon gets the same line from President Rhee that he gave to General Hull and is merely acquiescent, it will be difficult to prevent Rhee from believing that we are secretly disposed to support him.

JFD

[Attachment]

The Commander in Chief, United Nations Command (Hull) to the Joint Chiefs of Staff

top secret
priority

C 65636. Ref: A. JCS 949814.1 B. CX 65143. C. CX 65208.2 D. AmEmb Seoul nr 237 to State.3 E. CX 63652. F. CX 63731.4 G. AmEmb Seoul nr 332 to State.5

1.
Fully recog possible eventuality stated in para 3, ref A. As pointed out in paras 4 and 5, ref B, and in ref C, there is a degree of urgency for a satisfactory arrangement between United States and ROK on mil, economic and political matters. A “package” arrangement has obvious advantages as pointed out in ref D.
2.
On my recent trip to Korea I spent over an hour with Pres Syngman Rhee, there being no one else present at the conference. Pres Rhee was most cordial and our discussion was conducted throughout in a very friendly manner.
3.
Pres Rhee discussed at some length the action of the Indian Govt and his objection to the presence of Indian trp on Korean soil. He stated that Nehru was pro-Communist if not a Communist in fact, that everything he had done so far had demonstrated his pro-Communist line. I told Mr. Rhee that I felt he was wrong regarding the Indian trp [Page 1544] and their commanders, that I had not as yet met Gen Thimayya and Gen Thorat personally but that I had made it a pnt to check with others, Americans as well as certain foreigners, who knew them and their ability; that all the info I had red had led me to believe that both Gens Thimayya and Thorat were good soldiers and were trying to be impartial.
4.
Pres Rhee discussed at considerable length his pessimistic views on any result coming from a political conference. He maintained that even if one were held, which he doubted, there was no ques in his mind that it would not accomplish any reasonable solution. He stated that unless there were a unified Korea, Korea would ultimately fall to the Communists. He insisted that if the political conference fails to unify Korea, and there is no doubt in his mind that it will fail to do so, he could not accept it. He would insist on adv to the Yalu and unifying Korea by force. He said that the Korean people would demand this. He has hopes that the United States would support such action, certainly to the extent of providing Nav and Air support to the South Korean armed forces engaged in such an adv, but if the United States would not support such action, he felt it essential that he do it alone with Korean trp. In replying to this I stated to Pres Rhee that he was discussing natl suicide for Korea. I told him that in my opinion unless the Chinese Communist forces had been withdrawn from North Korea and he faced only North Korean forces, he had no chance whatever of gaining a success, and further that if operations of the type he described were undertaken against the Chinese Communist forces and North Korean Peoples Army, it would bring disaster to his own mil for and result in their annihilation. I told him further that although I was not in position to speak for my govt on a ques of this nature, it was my firm personal belief that my govt would not support any such undertaking.
5.
Pres Rhee spoke of the reduction in the population of North Korea from 8 million to 3 million persons and the settling by the Chinese in North Korea on what appeared to him to be a permanent basis. He stated that the remaining people in North Korea were still Koreans and “we must save them”. He went on to say that it would be better for Korea to be unified under Communist rule than to be divided as it is today.
6.
Throughout his conversation with me, Pres Rhee spoke with what appeared to be the utmost sincerity. Although he was emphatic in his statements, I would not say that he was emotional. We ended our conversation with the same friendly attitude which had existed throughout it, both agreeing to discuss this matter further as the opportunity presented itself in the future.
7.
My estimate of the problem we face with Pres Rhee is that there must be no ques in his mind as to the attitude of our govt should he elect at some time in the future to take action along the lines indicated [Page 1545] in his conversation with me. I believe if he really understands that the United States will not support him in any such venture, there is a reasonable chance that he will not resort to such action. On the other hand, it would appear that he feels that the United States is committed so far in Korea that it cannot pull out. It is quite possible, and I am inclined to think it is probable, that he will make every endeavor to pull the United States into further mil action in Korea should the political conf fail to unify Korea. I believe therefore that it is very important that Pres Rhee understand the limits beyond which the US will not go should he undertake any action inconsistent with our own natl policy.
8.
I have discussed this problem with Ambassador Briggs and I feel that the only effective way of influencing Pres Rhee not to attempt some disastrous plan like the one discussed above is for both Ambassador Briggs and myself to be in a position to state categorically to Pres Rhee as soon as practicable that the US will support no such action. Specifically, I recommend that I be auth to inform Pres Rhee that:
a.
US air, ground and sea forces will not support mil op by South Korean forces to unify Korea by attacking Chinese or North Korean forces in or North of the demilitarized zone.
b.
The US govt will not furnish any mil sup for such an operation.
c.
UNC forces on initiation of such aggressive action will not only not become involved in assisting the South Korean forces, but will take any action nec to avoid becoming involved and to provide their own security.
d.
US economic aid to Korea will cease immed under such conditions.
9.
When Vice Pres Nixon visits Korea I believe Pres Rhee will talk to him along the same lines that he talked to me. If the Vice Pres is properly briefed on this matter before his conf with Pres Rhee and informs Pres Rhee just how far the US will go or will not go, in support of any action Pres Rhee might contemplate, it might help to solve this problem to our advantage.
10.
I recommend, therefore, that Vice Pres Nixon, prior to his arr in Korea, be briefed on these matters and be prepared to inform Pres Rhee in his discussions with him of the position of the US Govt as set forth in para 8a, b, c, and d, above. I would be glad to meet Vice Pres Nixon, or send my Chief of Staff, Gen Harrison, to meet him and brief him on this problem at any place and time he desires prior to his arr in Korea.
  1. In this telegram, a joint State–Defense message, Oct. 7, 1953, the JCS informed Hull that failure of the political conference might mean that Rhee would take action “prejudicial [to] UNC interests.” (Department of Defense files)
  2. In references B, and C, dated Sept. 22 and 26, 1953, respectively; Allison, Briggs, and Clark warned of the dangers of letting outstanding matters between the ROK, Japan, and the UNC deteriorate any further than they already had. (Department of Defense files)
  3. Not printed. (611.95B/9–1953)
  4. References E and F contained the records of the plenary meetings at Panmunjom on July 13 and 16 in which the Communist side pressed for assurances that the South Koreans would abide by the terms of the armistice. (Matthews files, lot 53 D 413)
  5. I this telegram, Oct. 16, the Embassy reported that Rhee had been making statements to the effect that he expected the political conference to fail and would unify Korea after the 90-day time limit for the conference expired, with or without the support of the United States. (357.AD/10–1653)