S/SNSC files, lot 63 D 351, NSC 118 Series

Memorandum by the Executive Secretary (Lay) to the National Security Council

top secret

Subject:

  • Additional United Nations Forces for Korea

References:

A.
NSC 118/2 (Paragraphs 2-a(3) and 2-b(7))1
B.
NSC 147 (Paragraphs 168–180)2
C.
NSC Action No. 759-b3

At the direction of the President the attached letter from Ambassador Lodge is circulated herewith for the consideration of the Council at an early meeting.

The current policy of the United States on the subject is as follows (NSC 118/2):

a.
In the event an armistice is achieved: “Exert vigorous efforts to continue the contribution by UN members of forces to the UN command in Korea so long as UN forces are required in Korea.”
b.
In the event that armistice negotiations clearly fail: “Exert vigorous efforts to obtain increased military forces from those countries already participating as well as to obtain contributions from UN countries which have not yet contributed military forces”.

On April 8, 1953, the Council considered changing current practice with respect to seeking reimbursement from nations maintaining forces [Page 1130] in Korea for the costs of logistical support furnished them by the United States. The Council agreed that “current practice regarding reimbursement by the United States for logistic support of other UN forces in Korea should be continued for the time being” (NSC Action No. 759-b).

The arguments for reconsideration of the Council’s decision on April 8, and for undertaking now a renewed effort to secure additional forces from UN members for service in Korea are set forth in Ambassador Lodge’s letter.

The Council’s attention is invited to the importance of the question of the timing of the proposed effort.

James S. Lay, Jr.

[Attachment]

The United States Representative at the United Nations (Lodge) to the President

secret

Dear General: The purpose of this letter is to propose that the United States start a renewed and vigorous campaign to get more troops from other members of the United Nations for service in Korea.

The reasons are as follows:

1.
We would thereby reduce our own part in the load of combat.
2.
Respect in this country for our allies and other members of the United Nations would be increased.
3.
Respect for the United Nations as an effective instrument against aggression would be increased because the unjust criticism of the United Nations for not having supplied enough allies—and which was not the fault of the United Nations—would be lessened.
4.
A larger number of countries would become committed by deeds to the United Nations principle of collective resistance to aggression, which would be of great value in case of any future aggression.
5.
Additional troops would thus become available for occupation duties in Korea.
6.
Thus larger numbers than otherwise of our own troops could be returned home and made available for service elsewhere.
7.
It would also facilitate carrying out our military program within the limits of prospective economies.
8.
There are real reasons for believing that more troops could be obtained so that this effort would, therefore, be a success. For example, I received a wholly unsolicited hint from Colombia to this effect.
9.
Such a policy would be pleasing to countries which can send troops, but cannot send dollars or matériel.
10.
The country expects leadership to secure additional effective allies and to lessen the drain on American manpower in Korea.
11.
Assuming a successful outcome of the current armistice negotiations, this would be a good time to approach other governments since [Page 1131] their troops sent to Korea would presumably not run the usual risks of active military operations.

The steps to be undertaken are as follows:

1.
The Defense and State Departments should revise policy decisions taken on this matter under the previous Administration which made unrealistic requirements concerning the providing by foreign governments of financial and logistic support. As I have already pointed out to you, these requirements in effect eliminated foreign troops which might otherwise have become available. In one policy statement the Defense Department justified this decision on the ground that there was no longer urgency about the war in Korea—a position which, I think, was not supported by the electorate last November.
2.
The Defense Department should also determine what would be the smallest unit that would be militarily bearable rather than desirable. In negotiations with other governments we might initially ask for more, but should be prepared to take less (down to the bearable unit) if forced to do so.
3.
The State Department should undertake a bilateral approach to all members of the United Nations who have not contributed forces and even to many of those who have, but could contribute more. A resolution in the United Nations General Assembly should not be introduced initially as it could be used by the Communists to cause friction among free nations.
4.
I should help vigorously in my relations with other delegations here and, if my contemplated trip to Korea and Indochina in July takes place, might take it up with the governments of the countries which I visit.
5.
General Van Fleet might be sent on a trip to selected capitals around the world to help out.

The timing of the matter can be judged by an event which occurred recently when I received more than eighty members of Congress and their families at the United Nations for breakfast sightseeing, and a session at which I agreed to answer all questions. The question which made by far the greatest impression was that of Representative Widnall of New Jersey who said that: “The greatest disappointment of the American people seems to be in the minor participation of other countries in the Korean war”, and who asked whether any steps were currently being taken to try to secure a greater participation on the part of other nations both with respect to personnel and matériel.

This was not only the outstanding question of the session, but it was also the question which the press stressed above all others.

Senator McCarthy has just announced that he will sponsor an amendment to the Bill making appropriations for the United Nations, reducing the United States contribution in inverse ratio to the amount of troops contributed. While this is a thoroughly fallacious proposal, it does reflect a strong public feeling that our allies are not doing enough—a feeling which will surely be raised in Congress.

[Page 1132]

Public announcement can be made when the issue arises in Congress that the Administration is actively working to develop more troops. Later it should be possible to make press releases on actual troop increases. A public appeal by the President should be carefully studied.

For all the reasons stated above, I recommend that you move promptly to take the lead.

Faithfully yours,

Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.

P.S. I am sending an information copy of this letter to Foster Dulles, with whom I have discussed the subject generally in the past, to Bobby Cutler and to Jerry Persons.

  1. For text of NSC 118/2, see Foreign Relations, 1951, vol. vii, Part 1, p. 1382.
  2. Dated Apr. 2; for text of paragraphs 168–171 and 173–180, see pp. 850857.
  3. For NSC Action No. 759, see the memorandum of discussion at the 139th meeting of the NSC, Apr. 8, p. 892.