Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954, Germany and Austria, Volume VII, Part 1

662.001/4–1752: Telegram

No. 86
The Ambassador in the United Kingdom (Gifford) to the Department of State ¹

secret priority

London , April 17, 1952—1 p.m.

4673. Herewith foll summary of views on Sov note which Eden intends outline to Cab (Embtel 4667, April 16, rptd Paris 2149, Moscow 147, Bonn 306, Berlin 54²).

Begin summary. Present note,³ like first Sov note,⁴ is primarily designed to delay and impede west plans for association of Ger with common def. It consists mainly of reiteration of proposals in first note. Principal new point is statement that question of conducting free all-Ger elections shld be discussed by four govts and any necessary investigation carried out by Four-Power command not by UN. But when asked whether Sov Govt was proposing establishment of Four-Power comm Vyshinsky was very evasive. Sov Govt still has not committed itself to holding of elections before conclusion of a peace treaty and may still be aiming at formation of provisional non-elected all-Ger Govt.

We must proceed with our present policy of trying to secure signature and subsequent ratification of EDC treaty and Ger contract. We must so handle Sov note as to encourage Ger not only to sign but also to ratify these agreements.

This means we must be careful not to shut door on Four-Power discussions and on reunification of Ger. We must seek to avoid any Four-Power discussions before EDC treaty and contract have been signed, as we now hope, in third week of May. However, while we need not commit ourselves at this stage and shld want to ascertain thru further diplomatic exchanges that a basis for negotiations exists, we shld not exclude possibility of Four-Power discussions, say, in June or July once agreements have been signed but prior to their ratification. Holding of such discussions will probably be a necessary prelude to ratification in Ger and France. We also have to consider public opinion in UK and elsewhere in Europe.

Such discussions, if they are held, shld be for purpose primarily of seeking agreement on holding of free elections throughout Ger. But we shld not debar ourselves from raising other relevant topics, such as status of all-Ger Govt after elections.

We must play for time until EDC treaty and contract have been signed. We need not be in hurry to reply to Sov note, but shld send off our answer, say, early in May. In order to gain time, we shld continue in our reply to uphold UN Comm as being right body to investigate conditions for elections. But we shld not place too much emphasis on Comm’s merits. Also, we shld emphasize drawbacks of Four-Power approach suggested by Sov Govt, particularly in absence of adequate agreement among Four-Powers on any of main principles of their policy.

Like Sov note, our reply shld take full acct of Ger opinion. Accordingly, we shld endeavor follow as far as possible suggestions made to chairman of AHC by Adenauer.⁵ But it is questionable whether we shld give such a secondary place, as Adenauer suggests, to question of free elections. Elections are our first essential condition and will have to form main item on agenda of any Four-Power discussion. Therefore we must keep them in forefront. End Summary.

Gifford

1. Repeated to Paris, Moscow, Bonn, and Berlin.
2. Telegram 4667 reported that Eden favored coordinating the reply to the Soviet note in either Paris or London and stated that Gifford was transmitting in another telegram the views which Eden would present to the British Cabinet concerning the reply. (662.001/4–1652)
3. Document 82.
4. Document 65.
5. For a report on this meeting, see telegram 2368, supra.