795.00/12–350

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Deputy Director of the Executive Secretariat (Sheppard)

top secret

Subject: Report of the Secretary’s meeting at the White House with the President, General Marshall and General Bradley

Participants: The Secretary
Mr. Webb
Mr. Matthews
Mr. Hickerson
Mr. Nitze
Mr. Rusk
Mr. Kennan
Mr. Jessup
Mr. Sheppard

The meeting was called so that the Secretary could report the discussion which he had had with the President, General Marshall and General Bradley at the White House late this morning.

The Secretary said that he had raised in the meeting with the President the question whether our position in the world required us to [Page 1337] continue hostilities with the Chinese Communists. He said he had advanced the viewpoint that if that were the case, it would mean that we would have to examine the policies governing our other actions to conform to that situation. He had further stated that if our world position did not require us to continue hostilities with the Chinese Communists, then it would be necessary to try to stop the fighting in Korea before the disintegration moved too far in order to save our forces.

The Secretary said that he went on to say that so far as the evacuation was concerned, it seemed to him to break down into three parts—the East Coast, Inchon and Pusan.

With respect to the East Coast the Secretary said he indicated that, so far as he was concerned, this operation is solely concerned with saving troops. He told the President that there was nothing to be gained politically by making a stand there. The problem was simply to do what you could to get them out. The Secretary told the President that he didn’t wish this to appear as advice because it was a strictly military matter. However, if the military did need some kind of political action, such as a cease fire, in order to carry out the evacuation on the East Coast, then the military should let us know.

With respect to Inchon, the Secretary said he had advanced his opinion that for a couple of days, there were no decisions which had to be made. He continued that General MacArthur will probably have his hands full getting the troops to Inchon during this period. After that, it would seem to be a normal operation to remove wounded troops and disorganized units first. The Secretary said he told the group that as far as he was concerned these troops which were not combat effective should be removed. The Secretary said he had told the group that if there was a question as to where these troops should be relanded and refitted, he would suggest Japan over Korea.

The Secretary said that he had discussed the additional question as to what to do with the South Koreans. The Secretary had said that it would be dreadful to abandon them far from their homes and that he felt they should be picked up some way or other and re-landed in South Korea to filter back to their home towns. He said that he had stressed that the main thing, though, was not to abandon them. General Marshall and General Bradley agreed that this was very important.

The Secretary said that he then discussed his viewpoint that it was essential to get some kind of censorship in the Far Eastern Command immediately. He had said it would be much better if General Willoughby were to have no additional press conferences in which he speculated about the possible courses of action, and the dire consequences which would flow from alternate courses. The President replied that he might just have to order censorship invoked. In response [Page 1338] to this, General Marshall indicated this would be a rather difficult thing to do.

The Secretary said that the question then came up about the price we would have to pay for the events in Korea. The Secretary said he replied to this that we were tending to dwell on a false dichotomy. The Secretary said he suggested that we should now put our minds on action in the United Nations. The Secretary said he suggested perhaps we should think along the lines of a cease fire at the 38th parallel, which raised the question whether such a resolution might be rejected. If it is accepted, the Secretary had continued, we will need to understand that we can’t do things like bombing Manchuria and will be required to observe it ourselves; on the other hand, if we think the probabilities are that it will not be accepted, then that would be another thing. In any event, the Secretary said that he had assured the President that we would carefully analyze the possibilities and prepare a possible course of political action.

The Secretary said that he felt that the President would want to listen to Prime Minister Attlee and see what the general temper is of our allies. The Secretary said that he was sure the President was not prepared, at this point at least, to negotiate with anyone, or to ask for a cease fire.

Mr. Hickerson said that Ambassador Gross had called from New York to say that Mr. Dulles and the whole senior staff recommended that we go ahead in the General Assembly with the resolution which was vetoed in the Security Council. Mr. Gross had talked to Mr. Younger who was very reluctant to go ahead with the resolution with respect to Chinese Communist aggression in Korea. Mr. Younger urged that we await Mr. Attlee’s arrival and give Mr. Younger an opportunity to talk to Mr. Attlee about it first. Mr. Hickerson said that if he had the Secretary’s approval he would move right away and talk with the British on going ahead with steps 1, 2 and possibly 3 (in the telegram to USUN)1

Mr. Hickerson said that this brought us to face with the question whether we go ahead with steps 1 and 2 alone if the British disagree with us. The Secretary remarked that it is imperative that we not get separated from the British on the eve of Mr. Attlee’s arrival. Mr. Jessup asked whether we would in fact become separated from them if they don’t agree. Mr. Jessup said perhaps it would be possible to go ahead alone on steps 1 and 2, assuring the British that we won’t do anything toward introducing a resolution until we consult further with them.

[Page 1339]

The Secretary summed this up by saying the question was “If the British and the other sponsors of the old resolution disagree with putting this item on the agenda, do we want to put it on alone with Mr. Attlee arriving the next day?” The Secretary said he was inclined to think we shouldn’t go ahead alone, and it was left that way.

  1. See telegram Gadel 153 to New York, December 2, 7 p. m., p. 1307.