Lot 56D527

Memorandum by the Director of the Office of Northeast Asian Affairs (Allison) to the Consultant to the Secretary (Dulles)

top secret

Subject: Japanese Peace Treaty1

There is attached a rather hastily dictated memorandum setting forth some of the more urgent matters I believe we should consider in connection with our next step toward a Japanese peace settlement. The attached memorandum is not in any sense a complete statement of all factors to be taken into account, and as I read it over I can see obvious omissions. However, I am forwarding it in the hope that it will be suggestive and that it may elicit comments which will help us to make progress.

[Attachment]

Japanese Peace Treaty

top secret

The following factors must be considered in making a decision as to whether or not to proceed in some manner with bringing about an end of the state of war with Japan:

[Page 1357]

i assumptions

A.
It is vital to the security interest of the United States to keep Japan out of the Communist camp and on the side of the United States and the West.
B.
This can only be done by convincing the Japanese that it is in their interest to be on our side and that we have the ability and willingness to protect them from the obvious risks they take in aligning themselves with the United States.
C.
United States military commitments in Asia should, in so far as possible, be limited to air and naval power plus supply of equipment and munitions.

ii to be determined

A.
Is the United States, with or without allies, going to maintain its stand that aggression cannot be allowed to succeed and therefore;
1.
Formosa will not be allowed to fall to Chinese Communists?
2.
Chinese Communists will not be seated in the UN”?
3.
We will not leave Korea, unless driven out militarily, before UN objectives are accomplished?
B.
If answers to above questions are in the affirmative, can and will the United States take the necessary steps to:
1.
Increase air and naval power in the Far East sufficient to assure keeping Formosa out of Communist hands?
2.
Proceed to go on a war footing domestically in order to regain in as short a time as possible the relative power position we had in 1945?
3.
Create some sort of mutual assistance pact among the Pacific nations (Australia, New Zealand, Philippines and U.S.) which Japan could join at a suitable time and which would have the dual purpose of defending Japan from Communist aggression and assuring our friends that Japan would be on their side and not a menace to them?

iii action to be taken

A.
Policy Decisions to be Made. Consideration must be given to the effect of positive action restoring Japan to the family of nations on prior United States commitments under such instruments as the Potsdam Declaration and the Basic Post-Surrender Policy which was approved by the Far Eastern Commission in terms which imply that it was more in the nature of a governmental agreement than an ordinary FEC policy decision. Determination of how far we can go and the direction to go must be made at the earliest possible moment so that we can proceed with the steps outlined below.
B.
Congressional Consultations. These should be undertaken at once with a view to obtaining Congressional approval for whatever action is necessary to enable the United States to take a stand in Asia and with Japan which will assure Japan’s being on our side. Such action [Page 1358] might include going ahead with a peace treaty in the conventional sense or having the Congress by joint resolution declare the ending of the state of war with Japan. The latter possibility under present conditions seems to have much to recommend it and should be thoroughly explored.
C.
FEC Consultations. Consultations should be held at an early date with friendly members of the FEC, perhaps in a body, to tell them of our thinking and to endeavor to gain at a minimum their passive acquiescence and at a maximum their active support.
D.
Consultations with Japanese. At an early date high level representatives of the United States Government should proceed to Japan for consultations with Japanese leaders to determine how far they are prepared to go in cooperating with the United States.
E.
Relaxation of SCAP Controls. Concurrently with taking the above steps, the United States should take steps to reduce the impact of SCAP GHQ on Japanese political, economic and social life.
F.
Increase of Internal Security in Japan. Concurrently with the above two steps, the United States should take active steps to increase the size and power of Japanese Police and Coast Guard.2
G.
Increasing Japan’s Industrial Potential to Fight Aggression. All necessary steps should be taken to make it possible for Japan’s industrial power to be used by the United States and its allies, as well as Japan, for the building up of the forces necessary to resist Communism. This will require consideration of FEC restrictions on production for military purposes.

iv staff necessary

In order to accomplish the above, there should be set up a small, high-level staff under Mr. Dulles which will be given authority from the White House to make all necessary studies and submit recommendations for final action. During the process of formulating final recommendations, this staff should consult all offices., departments and agencies concerned but should not be required to obtain clearances at each step. Within the broad framework of the Acheson-Johnson Memorandum to the President of September 7, 1950, and NSC 133 the staff should be given complete freedom of action. There should be a representative of the Defense Department on the staff.

  1. In his memorandum of the Secretary’s morning meeting of December 7, Mr. McWilliams stated in part: “Mr. Rusk reported on the Japanese Peace Treaty. He said that we still have hopes of pursuing the treaty but we are considering two steps in the interim to improve the situation. The steps are: (1) transfer of more authority and responsibility to the Japanese; and (2) a declaration ending the war with Japan which would be followed by a treaty of friendship, commerce and navigation.” (Executive Secretariat Files)
  2. In the memorandum cited in footnote 1 on p. 1355, Mr. Snow had stated: “While the construction of naval combatant vessels is prohibited, …it may well be assumed that the provision for an adequate civilian police force [in FEC 017/20, February 12, 1948] includes provision for an adequate civilian coastguard, armed with rifles and pistols. The word ‘rifle’ is unqualified in the FEC directive, and might well include high-powered repeating rifles.”
  3. NSC 13/3 was then the current policy paper.