790.5/7–2750

Memorandum by the Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs (Perkins) to the Secretary of State

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Subject: Discussions with Prime Minister Menzies of Australia—Question of a Pacific Pact.1

The attached memorandum, prepared by FE, contains additional details on the United States attitude toward a Pacific Pact. It also lists a number of questions which might be raised with Prime Minister Menzies in discussions on this subject.

[Annex]

Memorandum by the Director of the Office of Northeast Asian Affairs (Allison)

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Pacific Pact

While no commitments should be made with respect to the United States attitude toward a Pacific Pact, it is believed that, should Mr. Menzies raise the question, the opportunity should be taken for a full and frank exchange of views. Mr. Menzies should be told that this Government has an open mind on the question but has not as yet seen how the many problems connected with a Pacific Pact can be satisfactorily solved. The suggestions of Mr. Menzies would therefore be welcome.

There is given below a brief statement of what United States policy has been up to the present and the reasons therefor. There is then given a series of questions with regard to a Pacific Pact which are suggestive of the type of problem upon which the views of Mr. Menzies would be helpful.

The present most authoritative statement of United States policy toward any form of Pacific Pact is stated in MSC 48/2, which says:

“The U.S. should make known its sympathy with the efforts of Asian leaders to form a regional association of non-Communist states and if in due course such an association eventuates, the U.S. should be prepared, if invited, to assist such an association to fulfill its purposes under conditions which would be to our interest.”

[Page 122]

This rather cautious policy was based upon the realization that up to the present the formation of any such regional organization has been difficult because of the wide diversity in the area of political organization and development, the lack of a tradition of cooperation and a sound economic basis for large-scale mutual trade and the suspicions with which the weaker nations of Asia view the stronger. In addition it is recognized that the peoples of Asia are suspicious of the West and any cooperation extended by the U.S. to a growing regionalism must be done in a manner which will not excite further suspicions of our motives.

India, one of the most important of the Asiatic countries, and one whose influence extends throughout the Pacific, has made it clear that it will have nothing to do with any pact which is military in nature or specifically directed against Communism. This reluctance to become involved in the cold war by India and other Asiatic nations which do not believe themselves directly threatened by Communist aggression was largely responsible for the failure of the recent Baguio Conference called by President Quirino of the Philippines, to agree on a South East Asian Regional Union.

Nevertheless, in spite of the above factors it is probable that the Communist aggression against South Korea has served to hasten the day when the true nature of the Communist threat will be recognized by those Asiatic nations now unable to believe the truth. It may therefore be expected that there will be a growing demand for the formation of some type of Pacific or Asiatic Pact.

There are many questions to be answered before making any commitment to take part in any such Pact or Union.

Problems of membership immediately arise. Who will be asked to join? If only white countries, will not the rest of Asia cry White Imperialism? If both white and colored countries, do not the white countries have to assume an undue burden? Is the Pact to be confined to Pacific Ocean countries, the U.S. and the British Commonwealth, or will it include the smaller countries on the mainland of Asia? If the latter are not included, will it not encourage them to believe they are not important to the West and thus make them easier victims of the Communists? Will the formation of a Pacific Pact in addition to an Atlantic Pact create an irresistible cry for a Middle East Pact? Can we afford all of these? And what about Japan? Will it be invited to join? If so, on what basis? If not, will it not encourage Japan to lean more toward her strong Communist neighbors?

In addition to questions of membership there immediately arise questions of purpose. As indicated above, India and some of the other Pacific or Asian powers have been reluctant to join any Pact or Union which is military in character or specifically directed against Communism. President Quirino of the Philippines stressed in his invitations [Page 123] to a Pacific Pact conference that he had in mind an organization which would confine its activities to political, economic and cultural cooperation. Even so there was but scant enthusiasm for his proposals. Therefore, what should the purpose be? If outright opposition to Communism, would it not mean that in effect the U.S. would be carrying the major portion of the burden? If the Pact is a defensive pact, how is it to go into operation? Will it be on the order of the Atlantic Pact or only a consultative pact?

The above questions are only a few of the many which could be asked. They indicate the complexity of the problem and it is believed furnish lines for profitable discussions.

  1. Robert G. Menzies, Prime Minister of Australia, visited the United States from July 27 to August 7. During that time, Menzies met with President Truman, Secretary of State Acheson, and other United States officials. Contrary to United States expectations, the Prime Minister did not raise the subject of a Pacific Pact and Pacific security arrangements in general. For documentation on the Menzies visit, see pp. 189 ff.