Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers, 1945, Europe, Volume IV

740.00119 Control (Bulgaria)/8–2445: Telegram

The United States Representative in Bulgaria (Barnes) to the Secretary of State

Sofia, August 24, 1945—2 p.m.
[Received 3:50 p.m.]

471. Biryusov, Cherepanov, Kirsanov,⁴⁴ Oxley, Boswall, Crane and myself met from midnight until 5:15 this a.m. At meeting of three ACC (Allied Control Commission) representatives earlier last night Biryusov had requested concrete proposal from British and ourselves to complement request for postponement of elections contained Crane’s and Oxley’s letters (my telegram 468, Aug 23.)

Following proposal was made by ourselves and supported by British as basis for discussion:

I. Conditions of Elections:

1. Elections be postponed until following conditions are met: (a) holding of Agrarian Party Congress under party constitution; (b) same for Social Democrats; (c) registration by government of so-called Democratic Party if basis for such party manifests itself; (d) five parties Communists, Agrarians, Socialists, Zveno and Democrats to decide individually on accepting common lists or individual lists.

2. Freedom of speech, of press, of radio and assembly for all five parties.

3. Free and secret balloting.

II. Suggested governmental procedure to accomplish foregoing:

1. Cabinet of Affairs for sole purpose of holding elections.

2. Decree law conferring upon Regents for period of Cabinet of Affairs powers of Prime Minister.

3. Reorganization present cabinet with leaders of five parties taking principal ministries and equal distribution of other portfolios among parties, according to their weight.

4. Complete freedom of all former leading Agrarian and Democratic Ministers now in prison or under house arrest to participate in party affairs.

III. Conclusion:

Reconstitution of FF (Fatherland Front) as it existed on Oct 28, 1944 enlarged to include a Democratic Party if actual basis for such party established.

I believe it is impossible to convey to anyone not present last night the feeling of futility and frustration caused, probably in both directions, by 5 hours of western mental gymnastics and Russian dialectics. I can best describe the meeting by saying that had there been a neutral onlooker he doubtless would have thought of two acrobats on flying trapezes so juxtaposed that in swinging in opposite directions the acrobats could never clasp hands but still so closely aligned that swinging for a moment out of perpendicular the acrobats would be jostled and each time frantically grasp the bar or rope fearing to be dislodged and not saved by a friendly net below. At times such an onlooker might even have suspected that the acrobats were clowning, except that they were so deadly earnest in clinging to their swinging trapezes whenever accidental contact was made.

After hearing the Anglo-American suggestions, General Biryusov, without regard for fact he himself had asked for specific proposals, announced meeting would consider two questions, namely, is the electoral law democratic and is it applied in a democratic manner.

All efforts to discuss such basic factors, morseling of Agrarian and Socialist Parties by Communists, militia and total absence, at any rate until opposition had been virtually destroyed, of freedom of speech, radio and assembly were blandly set aside as being extraneous to discuss. Efforts to dwell on spirit of the law and on repressive treatment of opposition were ignored. Time after time we were reminded of Russian view that it is the “letter” that states the law.

After some hours of dialectics on part of Mr. Kirsanov as to merits of the law which were convincing to him and to Biryusov but not to British and ourselves, Biryusov summarized discussion in his own words to effect that it was obvious no one present had any acceptable objections to the law. We and British registered our dissent. Second question was more or less passed over by default. By time we reached it little spirit was left to continue in manner of medieval philosophers seeking to determine number of angels (better imps in this case) that might stand on point of a needle.

Finally, about 5 a.m. Biryusov suggested we all have another look at situation when Govt issuing from elections had been formed. Boswall and I filed reservations on basis of US and UK notes, saying, of course, we could not undertake to alter position taken by our respective Govts. Biryusov then returned to suggestions we and British had made at the outset of the discussions. He said as we now placed discussion on a governmental level he must consult with Moscow. I asked him whether he could hope to have a reply before elections August 26 and he said he could add nothing to his remark that he must now consult with Moscow. Thereupon an exhausted and mutually uncomprehending group disbanded.

I left the meeting with the definite feeling that on the Russian side it had been purely fictitious, a scene staged for the purpose of justifying the contention later, if necessary, that ACC has given careful consideration to the views of the US and UK, and also to gain time for the elections to transpire without a hitch. It is my firm conviction that all possibilities of local effort to change political situation in Bulgaria have been exhausted and that further action can be taken only on a Govt-to-Govt level between the three Great Powers. General Crane agrees.

Repeated to Moscow as No. 243.

Barnes

44. Stepan Pavlovich Kirsanov, Minister of the Soviet Union in Bulgaria.