Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers, 1944, The Near East, South Asia, and Africa, The Far East, Volume V

Lot 122. Box 53

Memorandum Prepared by the Inter-Divisional Area Committee on the Far East

PWC–152b
CAC–185b

[Washington,] May 9, 1944.

Japan: Abolition of Militarism and Strengthening Democratic Processes

I. The Problem

The problem is to determine what measures the United Nations may take during the period of military government to abolish militarism and to strengthen democratic tendencies and processes in Japan.

II. Destruction of the Military Machine

A. Means of Destroying this Machine

The present military machine in Japan will be destroyed as a natural consequence of the complete defeat of Japan, the unconditional surrender and the disarmament of all the Japanese armed forces, the dismantling of the military installations throughout Japan, and the dismemberment of the Empire as proclaimed in the Cairo Declaration.

With the establishment of military government, all of the functions of the Japanese Government, except those permitted to continue under the direction of the occupation authorities, will cease. Consequently, any constitutional provisions or governmental procedures which have enabled the Japanese military clique to direct policies will become inoperative.

B. Effects of Destruction of Military Machine

The complete defeat of Japan and the destruction of the military machine will doubtless have a profound psychological effect upon the Japanese people. The high esteem in which the military have been held for the past eight or nine centuries, the dramatic victories of the Japanese Army and Navy in the past, with the resultant extension of the Japanese Empire, have convinced the Japanese people of the invincibility of their armed forces, and of the fact that Japan’s position as a world power can be maintained only by complete reliance on the military leaders. No one can say at this moment how the Japanese people will react to complete defeat, but it is possible that they may be jolted into a realization that their military leaders have led them to destruction and national disgrace and hence they may well turn to a new group of leaders.

III. Steps to Prevent Revival of Militarism

With the destruction of the Japanese military machine and the establishment of our military government, the occupation authorities will be in a position to take steps to prevent the resurgence of Japanese militarism. These measures might include:

a) Nullification of Obnoxious Laics

Broad categories of laws, ordinances and regulations which should be subject to suspension and recision should include:

1. Those relating to the creation of the armed forces, conscription and military training.

2. Those relating to the mobilization of industry and labor for war purposes.

3. Those restricting freedom of speech and freedom of worship.

b) Elimination of Ultra-Nationalistic Influences

Ultra-nationalistic aspects of Japanese life should be discouraged through such means as:

1. The elimination, where possible, of ultra-nationalistic societies such as the Imperial Rule Assistance Association and the Black Dragon Society.

2. The termination of police activities having to do with thought control and the enforcement of nationalist ideology.

3. The prohibition of motion pictures and dramas which glorify the military.

c) Creation of Internal Economic Conditions Favorable to the Growth of Democracy

In view of the fact that intolerable economic conditions will seriously threaten any steps toward democracy and of the dependence of Japan on foreign trade, Japan ought to be permitted as soon as possible to carry on international trade under reasonable conditions. In the meantime needed relief and rehabilitation should be provided.

d) Encouragement of Liberal Forces

The trend toward liberal reforms in the political life of Japan, which became marked in the decade following the world war, received a setback and a retrograde current developed after the world-wide depression in 1930. Nonetheless, there exists a fairly substantial body of moderate political influence which has been rigidly suppressed and silenced since 1931 but which it is believed can be encouraged and made the nucleus of a liberal movement. The elements comprising this body include the group of statesmen of the so-called Anglo-American school who held political offices in the 1920’s and who have been conspicuous among the personal advisers of the Emperor, a considerable sprinkling of business leaders whose prosperity was based on world trade rather than on the greater East Asia prosperity sphere, Christian leaders, such as Kagawa, a limited but courageous group of educators and social and political reformers, et cetera. Liberal thought and democratic processes might be strengthened by:

1. Freedom of the press, radio and motion pictures except for ideas subversive of the aims of the United Nations.

2. Freedom of discussion except as it might endanger security.

3. Elimination of restrictions on liberal education.

4. Explanation through press, radio and motion pictures of the meaning of personal liberties in a democracy.

5. Encouragement of political parties, labor unions, credit unions, consumers cooperatives and other organizations of the people.

6. Widespread use of municipal and prefectural assemblies.

7. Preparation of the people for and, if necessary, supervision of an election, or some other means, whereby the people may express, without prejudice, their will as to their own future form of government.

IV. Inauguration of Basic Governmental Reforms

In connection with the establishment of a Japanese Government acceptable to the United Nations, it may be possible to insist upon certain basic governmental reforms which should include:

1. A national legislature with full powers over the national budget and with the right to initiate amendments to the constitution. Heretofore, the Lower House had only limited powers for if it refused to approve a budget, that of the previous year automatically became effective. By giving the duly elected representatives of the people complete powers over the budget, a Prime Minister and all of his cabinet, including the War and Navy Ministers, if a parliamentary system continues, would be dependent on the legislative branch of government for whatever funds they needed. Hence the power which the military leaders have possessed through their special privileges, such as direct access to the throne, could be challenged by the people’s elected representatives.

2. If, notwithstanding the wide consensus which now exists that Japan should not be permitted in the post-war period to retain an army, navy, or air force, Japan should later be permitted to maintain some form of military establishment, such permission should envisage as an essential condition the elimination of existing statutes and ordinances which stipulate that ministers of war and of the navy shall be high-ranking military and naval officers. These statutes and ordinances have been repeatedly employed in the past by the military (through the resignation of the minister of war or the minister of the navy or the refusal of eligible officers to fill these posts) to overthrow an existing cabinet or to prevent the formation of a new cabinet. The elimination of these statutes and ordinances, and their replacement by a legal provision stipulating that the posts of minister of war and the minister of the navy shall be held only by civilians, would provide a substantial safeguard against complete domination of the armed forces by the military and contribute toward preventing the military from usurping control over the government.

3. Increased civil rights and emphasis upon the status of the individual.

4.50 One of the important instruments for integrating the population into the nationalistic movement has been the courts. Places on the bench are by appointment by the Minister of Justice, who has power equally to remove judges. There is, therefore, so great a subservience by the courts to the Minister of Justice, which working closely with the police, is the principal civilian organ of militaristic nationalism, that the courts have largely become organs for the carrying out of the policies of the Minister of Justice and of the police; the function of safeguarding the rights of the individual, especially in cases involving offenses of a political character, has largely disappeared.

The freeing of the judiciary from the control of the Minister of Justice and of the police, by election to the bench or by other well-tried devices, along with other necessary reforms, should be an essential feature of any program for the democratization of the Japanese.

V. Supplementary Factors

It must be emphasized that no matter what steps may be taken within Japan by the United Nations for the abolition of militarism and for the encouragement of the development of democratic processes, these actions will be of little avail if other factors are not such as to create conditions which will make the growth of militarism unlikely.

The internal reforms mentioned above will contribute greatly to the rooting out of militarism within Japan but this objective of the United Nations will never be achieved unless ultimately:

1) the Japanese people are convinced by the acts of the United Nations that it is their intention to allow a peaceful Japan to discharge her responsibilities as a member of the family of nations;

2) Japan is given a share in the world economy on a reasonable basis with the hope for future betterment;

3) adequate security is provided in the Pacific and eastern Asia, presumably by the establishment of an international security system and a world international organization.

Prepared and reviewed by the Inter-Divisional Area Committee on the Far East.

TS:	GHBlakeslee	JA:	ERDickover
	HBorton (drafting officer)		BRJohansen
	RAFearey		FSWilliams
FE:	JWBallantine	CA:	OEClubb
	AHiss	LA:	ALMoffat (drafting officer)
		ME:	MBHall
		FMA:	CFRemer

50. Marginal notation in the original: “Note: Point 4 is an addition to document PWC–152a.” (Document under reference, dated May 4, not printed.)